Tibetan Buddhism and the resolution of grief: The Bardo-Thodol for the dying and the grieving

by Robert Goss

Death Studies

Vol. 21 Issue 4 Jul/Aug.1997


Copyright by Death Studies

This article is a contribution to the cross-cultural study of grief The Bardo thodol (sometimes translated the Tibetan Book of the Dead) and the ritual associated with it provides a way to understand how Buddhism in Tibetan culture manages the issues associated with what is called grief in Western psychology. The resolution of grief in the survivors is intertwined with the journey to rebirth of the deceased. The present article describes (a) the progression of the deceased, (b) the rituals by which survivors separate from the physical incarnation of the deceased, (c) how, by channeling the feelings of grief to support the progress of the deceased, grief is brought to a positive resolution, and (d) the continuing bond survivors maintain with the dead even though the dead has moved on to the next life. Death is a universal human experience, yet wide variations exist in the ways in which different intellectual and spiritual traditions understand and manage what Western psychology calls grief and mourning. For example, within the Western European tradition, over the last 150 years, there has been a change in expectations of normal grieving (Dye & Smith, 1986; Simonds & Rothman, 1992; Smart, 1983; Stroebe, 1992; Stroebe, Gergan, Gergan, & Stroebe, 1992). Different cultures within the same major religious traditions may even have what appear to be nearly opposite expectations, as Wikan (1988) showed in a comparison of Muslim communities in Egypt and Bali. Buddhism has been integrated into many Asian cultures, and each of these cultures has a different set of expectations and rituals at the time of death. These ways of death and grieving have not been well understood in Western thanatology. Outside small Buddhist immigrant communities, Japanese Buddhism, especially Zen as interpreted by D. T. Suzuki (1955, 1964), was the first to make a significant impact in the West. In Japan, the primary connection most people have with Buddhism are funeral rituals and rituals honoring family ancestors (LaFleur, 1992; Nara, 1995; Reader, 1991; Smith, 1974). Suzuki's presentation of Zen did not include ancestor rites. So when some Americans tried to develop a Buddhist way of dying and grieving their Buddhism lacked reference to actual practice of Japanese Zen ancestor worship (Levine, 1982, 1987). The second significant wave of Buddhism in the West was brought on by the Tibetan holocaust as, beginning in 1959, exiles like the Dalai Lama understood their dispersion as an opportunity to share their form of Buddhism with the wider world and hence preserve it. Previous articles have explored death and grieving in Japanese ancestor worship (Klass, 1996; Klass & Heath, 1997). This article explores the rituals and worldview of Tibetan Buddhism still practiced in the Himalayan countries and, less so, in Tibet where the Chinese have destroyed more than 6,000 monasteries and killed over 100,000 monks. Participation in Tibetan meditation and ritual has grown rapidly in North America. For the last 20 years, the Living Dying Project in San Francisco has used some of the techniques described here as a way of helping dying people. Prototypical Grief in the Buddhist Pali Canon A prototypical story from the Pali Canon gives an overview of how Buddhists deal with the issue of human grief. Kisa Gotami was a woman who had lost her first-born son. Grief-stricken and clutching the body of her deceased son, she roamed the streets looking for medicine or an antidote that could restore her son to life. She finally took the body to the Buddha. The Buddha listened to her pleas with compassion and said, "Go enter the city, make the rounds of the entire city, beginning at the beginning, and in whatever home no one has ever died, from that house fetch tiny grains of mustard seed" (Burtt, 1982, p. 45). Kisa Gotami went from house to house to find a mustard seed from a household untouched by death. She soon realized that the task the Buddha had set was impossible, and she brought the body of her son to the cremation grounds. Gotami returned to the Buddha for instruction on the truth. The Buddha taught her that there is only one unchangeable law in the universe: All things are impermanent. The story of Kisa Gotami reminds Tibetan Buddhists of the possibility of attachment and freedom in the experience of death (S. Rinpoche, 1992). Her son's death was the catalyst not only for her grief and despair but also for the possibility of her growth and transformation. In his compassionate instruction, the Buddha directed her to immerse herself within the human condition and so to realize the impermanence of life. Her grief led her on a vain search for a mustard seed, representing her false hope for permanence and her attachment to her son. When she realized the human condition of suffering and death, from a Tibetan perspective, she freed her son to move forward in his cyclic existence; her own struggle with death and impermanence also prepared her to face her own impermanence. She resolved her grief and attained enlightenment at the end of her life. The Journey of the Deceased The Tibetan rituals by which the grief of the survivors is managed are intimately connected to the progression of the soul of the deceased from this life to its next. Thus, to understand grief, it is necessary to understand the problems and the progress of the dead. It is a common Western misconception that Tibetans do not fear death because they believe in reincarnation. Tibetans, like Westerners, fear death. They have a pervasive sense that everyone is impermanent and destined to die. The image of Yama, the ferocious God of Death, and his consort Chamunda, who personifies his fierce energy, are vivid in their imagination. Tibetans look to the Buddha and to all awakened beings for protection from Yama in the experience of death. Death is fraught with danger and opportunity for Tibetan Buddhists (Thurman, 1994). There are thousands of texts and images on death that cross the boundaries of all Tibetan Buddhist schools and lineages. Among the genres are inspirational accounts of the deaths of great saints and teachers, ritual texts for the dying, instructional manuals for guiding trainees in death meditation, divination materials on the signs of untimely death, and yogic manuals for the transference of consciousness at death (Mullen, 1986). The best known of these texts is the Great Liberation Through Hearing the Bardo, the Bardo thodol chenmo (bar-do'i-thos-sgrol-chen-mo), which was misnamed by the American scholar W. Y. Evans-Wentz as The Tibetan Book of the Dead in imitation of The Egyptian Book of the Dead. The authorship of the text is attributed to Padmasambhava, who dictated to his consort Yeshe Tosgyal and then hid the text during the persecution of Buddhism in the 9th century. Karma Lingpa discovered the text in the 14th century. Thus the book falls into a type of Tibetan revelational literature called treasure texts or terma (gter-ma) (Gyatso, 1995) because it was discovered at a later date and because its original author has an exalted or canonical status. The journey of the deceased can best be understood by an analysis of the Bardo thodol and the ritual in which it is used. Bardo literally means "in between." It indicates a number of transitional or liminal conditions: (a) between birth and death, (b) the meditational state, (c) the dream stage, (d) the moment of dying, (e) the interim between death and rebirth, and (f) the process of rebirth. The bardo teachings are relevant to each liminal stage but are more pertinent to dying and death (Turner, 1969). The Bardo thodol describes in detail the experience of a person migrating from death to rebirth. In each bardo, the deceased undergoes a set of different experiences and visions. In the text, there are two sets of instructions: the root verses for the deceased and the instructions for the reader (and by extension the listeners). The root verses instruct the deceased on how to understand these bardo experiences and visions. The verses remind the deceased that these visions are empty emanations of the subtle mind. The instructions to the reader tell him or her how and when to read the directions for the deceased. Tibetan Buddhists believe that everyone has a subtle mind that migrates through the bardo experiences. Tibetans view death not merely as the maturation of karma, as in earlier Indian Buddhism, but also as the separation of the life principle (bla) from the body (Tucci, 1980). It has become common to translate bla as soul, although consciousness would be better used. Tibetan Buddhism incorporated this notion of the separation of the life principle from the body into the bardo experience. Tibetan Buddhists also adopted the term lama (blama) for teacher. Literally, lama means soul mother from the indigenous shamanic tradition (Wylie, 1977, pp. 146-147). The soul mother or lama guides the separation of the soul in various liminal situations and is the spiritual guide who accompanies the subtle consciousness of the dead person step by step on the difficult and sometimes perilous path during the 49 days between death and rebirth. When the Bardo thodol is used for the dying and the dead, the preliminary prayers orient the dying person to the death process and instill a proper frame of mind to assure either a good rebirth or liberation. Ideally, the dying will have practiced the bardo teachings during their lives in preparation for death. Thurman (1994) and S. Rinpoche (1992) gave descriptions of such meditational preparations for death. In meditational training, a person learns to perceive the natural state of the subtle mind as pure luminosity. An untrained person, even when given the bardo instructions after death, has greater difficulty overcoming egocentric tendencies and perceiving the true nature of the mind. Death is certainly not sanitized within a Buddhist household. After a person has died, the body usually stays in the bedroom or in the house chapel until its final ritual disposition. Bedding of animal hide is removed, since the skin of an animal may hinder the transference of consciousness. The body is covered, except for the crown of the head. Loved ones or relatives often set up a small shrine, consisting of pictures of Buddhas, teachers, bodhisattvas, or empowering deifies. The body is rolled on to its right side, the posture of the sleeping lion in which the Buddha died (N. Rinpoche, 1991; S. Rinpoche, 1992). According to Buddhist tradition, the posture of the sleeping lion allows the blocking of the karmic winds of delusion and speeds the process of bodily dissolution in the death process. Incense is burned as an offering and, more practically, to cover the odor of body decomposition. Offerings are made outside the death chamber and house to encourage the deceased to leave his or her body. During the bardo death journey, the deceased is understood to take nourishment from the odors of the incense offerings. Ritual disposition of the body usually occurs from day 4 to day 10. An astrologer is con-suited on the precise auspicious moment for the disposition. Funeral rites (rje-'dzin), as in other Buddhist traditions, span 49 days, the transition period of consciousness between the death of the body and rebirth into another body. The bardo teachings imagine that the consciousness of the deceased journeys through three liminal stages: (a) the moment of dying ('chi-kha'i-bar-do), (b) the bardo of reality (chos-nyid-kyi-bar-do), and (c) the seeking of rebirth (srid-pa'i- bar-do). At each of these stages, the consciousness of the dying or dead person is encouraged to recognize all appearances as a projection of the mind and to merge with the luminous mind. The bardo guidebook makes the treacherous journey easier by telling the deceased what is happening to them in the bardo realms and gives them the correct instructions on how to deal with these realms. The reciter of the Bardo thodol becomes the spiritual guide or director, teaching the mind of the deceased to relax or to let go in order to realize the natural liberation of the mind. The Bardo thodol is read aloud by a lama or tantric adept (ngag-pa) in the presence of the dead body for 49 days. When an ordinary deceased person who is unskilled in meditational practices awakens in the bardo of dying, it is believed that the person is confused and does not know where he or she is. In a Dharma talk on the bardo, Lama Lodo said that the deceased realizes their altered condition when they walk in the sand or in the snow and see that they leave no footprint or realize they do not cast a shadow even when walking in the sunlight. Many persons spend a number of days in a state of confusion about what has happened to them. When the signs of death and physical dissolution have set in, the lama who recites the bardo teachings is the spiritual guide, instructing the deceased not to cling to life but to recognize that luminous essence that is the mind. The lama or tantric adept directs the deceased to fall on whatever spiritual practices and imaginative preparations he or she engaged in while living. The deceased is reminded of his or her relationship to their primary teacher-mentor. The lama begins with a series of prayers and then recites the following i@to the left ear of the departed: Hey, noble one! Now you have arrived at what is called "death." You are going from this world to the beyond. You are not alone; it happens to everyone. You must not indulge in attachment and insistence on this life. Though you are attached and you insist, you have no power to stay, you will not avoid wandering in this life cycle. Do not lust! Do not cling! Be mindful of the Three Jewels! (Thurman, 1994, pp. 131-132) According to Tibetan teachers, most people continue to grasp a false sense of themselves. It is difficult to give up yearning for attachment to relatives or to stop struggling to hold on to one's past life. It is difficult to leave things unfinished or to let go all the things cherished in life. The departed are often frozen in their attachments and fears. The deceased grieve for their former lives and loved ones. Tensions, attachments, and discomfort can generate negative emotions that can propel the deceased in the afterlife bardos to a less than favorable rebirth. At some point during the first 21 days, or if the lama is present at the moment of death, the lama performs the powa ('pho-ba), or transference of consciousness ritual. Offerings of barley and butter are placed on the head of the corpse. The lama instructs the deceased on how to break attachment to the body. The Tibetan Buddhist tradition maintains that the clairvoyant consciousness of the dead person is seven times clearer than the consciousness of a living person. Through such clairvoyant powers, the dead person can see into the wise mind of an accomplished teacher and can be introduced to the luminous nature of the mind and thus be liberated. At the conclusion of the rite, the lama invokes the blessings of the Buddha and awakened ones. He looks for signs or physical indications of the complete transference of consciousness from the corpse. Some spiritual teachers perform a transference of consciousness for their disciples. As part of their spiritual training they transfer the consciousness of their disciples to a paradise realm. The Grief of the Survivors: Rituals of Separation While the powa ritual encourages the deceased's consciousness to break the connection with the body, the survivors engage in rituals that graphically show them that the deceased's physical body is no longer an object of relationship. Even though the Tibetans speak of reincarnation in everyday expressions and build their religious leadership around the belief that certain lamas are reborn into children who can be specifically identified, the funeral ritual has very explicit and graphic symbols of the separation of the deceased's physical presence from the living community. The family consults an astrologer who correlates birth and death times with other astrological factors to determine a precise moment for disposing of the body. In preparation, monks or family members wash the corpse while reciting prayers for the benefit of the deceased. Tibetans practice four ritual methods of disposing of corpses: sky burial, cremation, ground burial, and water burial. Ground burial is rarely practiced except in the case of contagious diseases. Cremation is reserved for incarnate lamas or for during the winter months. In sky burial, the corpse is cut up and fed to vultures. In water burial, the corpse is dismembered and thrown into the river. The latter method is quite limited (Mumford, 1989). In Ladakh and Tibetan refugee communities in India, cremation is often used to dispose of the body. The deceased body is offered as a fire offering with butter, oil, grains, and sugar. Monks offer chants and prayers for the benefit of the deceased (McClean, 1994a, 1994b). The funeral pyre is visualized as the mandala of Vajrasattva. Often, the lama performs a ritual of cutting (gcod), a meditational dismemberment of the body (Edou, 1996; Gyatso, 1985; Mumford, 1989; Paul, 1982; Samuel, 1993; Tucci, 1980). As the corpse burns, the relatives and friends are encouraged to envision the body being devoured by the hundred Peaceful and Wrathful Deities and the consciousness being transformed into their wise nature. Survivors chant the six-syllable mantra of Vajrasattva: Om Vajrasattva Hum (S. Rinpoche, 1992). Frequently, the ashes of accomplished teachers are mixed with clay to make devotional images that become linking objects (Volkan, 1981) between the living and the deceased teacher. The ashes of ordinary people are gathered and left to the natural elements on a mountain top. Some readers may have seen Bertolucci's film, Little Buddha (1994) in which Lama Norbu's cremated ashes are distributed to the three children, the triple reincarnation of Lama Dorje. The children offer his ashes to the natural elements of air, earth, and water. Sky burial and open cremation may initially appear grotesque for Westerners, especially if they have not reflected on their own burial practice of embalming. For Tibetan Buddhists, sky burial and cremation are templates of instructional teaching on the impermanence of life. Cremations and burial grounds are haunts for hungry ghosts and demons, and they have become places for Buddhist meditation on impermanence and egolessness. Illness, old age, and death compelled Siddartha Gautama to seek liberation from cyclic existence. Thus the gruesomeness of death and the decomposition and disposition of the human corpse all provide a strong teaching on impermanence (Lhalungpa, 1985; S. Rinpoche, 1992). b-pa) place the body on a flat rock representing a mandala and begin to slice across the chest cavity of the body according to the instructions of the lama or tantric adept (ngag-pa). The ritual of meditational dismemberment is actualized in the ritual of sky burial. Giving the body as food to the vultures becomes the final act of compassion. The vultures are kept at bay until the proper time, when slices of the body are cast upon the rock mandala for consumption. This is to prevent the vultures from fighting over the corpse and injuring each other. The skeletal bones and skull are hammered into dust and mixed with barley flour (tsam-pa) and fed to the vultures (Powers, 1995). The video The Art of Dying (Jensen & Munck, 1992) has graphic scenes of body cutters defleshing the bones of the deceased and feeding them to the vultures. To date, there are no reports of North Americans following bardo rituals to aid the dying and practicing sky burial. The final disposition of the corpse provides a graphic ritual to separate the living from the physical body that housed the now-ended incarnation of the soul. It is a pivotal time in which the consciousness of the deceased breaks off attachment to his or her body. Likewise, ritual cremation or sky burial breaks physical attachments of the relatives to the deceased. The house of the deceased is fumigated with incense, and monks are hired to come in to chant the Perfection of Wisdom in 8,000 Lines. A tantric adept or lama exorcises the death demon from the house (Mumford, 1989; Paul, 1982; Waddell, 1972). The possessions and the clothing of the deceased are frequently donated to the local monastery, the temple, or charity. Among the Yolmo Sherpas, a Tibetan group that migrated to Nepal, a purification rite is performed on the 49th day. The monks process from the local monastery to the deceased's house and accept an effigy of the deceased, usually made from dough and butter. The monks process back to the monastery to a choreographed dirge and music. This procession is the only time in the Yolmo funeral ritual in which there is unrestrained, emotional expression of sadness; tears flow freely. When they reach the monastery's chapel, monks conduct a purification rite while mourners and monks outside the chapel conduct their own prayer service. The monks chant prayers and Buddhist texts while a community of women mourners chant the mantra of Avalokiteshvara, the bodhisattva of compassion: om Mani Padme Hum. After the purification ceremony in the chapel is concluded, the outside ceremony continues. The lamas, followed by men and women, move in a circular dance while reciting prayers. A bonfire is built, and groups of men and women continue to chant the mani hymns. Groups of men and women exchange songs of sadness (tser-glu) in antiphonal couplets (Desjarlais, 1991). These exchanges of songs of sadness continue until dawn. Transforming the Problematic Feelings in Grief A culture's funeral rituals, instructions to the dead, and instructions to the survivors establish guidelines for the emotional expressions of grief. Different cultures have different prescriptions and proscriptions; for example, in contemporary American grief guidebooks, emotional expressions are regarded as good, but expressions related to images of the dead are said to retard resolution (Simonds & Rothman, 1992). Wikan (1988) showed Muslim communities in Egypt expect overt expressions of sorrow immediately after death, whereas in Bali such expressions are severely proscribed. Tibetan Buddhism recognizes that survivors have many feelings after someone dies. Some feelings, such as regret, longing, guilt, or anger are problematic, first, because they stem from unresolved relationships with the dying person--what in the West would be called unfinished business--and, second, because the feelings retard the progress of the deceased to the next life. Part of the Tibetan preoccupation with preparation for death is an injunction to attend to one's duties toward living relatives and friends so that when someone dies the relationship is unclouded by negative karma. But few living bonds are wholly positive, so when there are problematic relationships, there are explicit instructions for resolving these negative feelings. Once the feelings are resolved, however, it does not mean that the bond with the deceased is severed. Rather, the deceased can continue his or her progress toward rebirth, and the survivors can maintain ritual and positive emotional connections with the deceased by supporting the deceased's journey. Sogyal Rinpoche (1992) gives a Heart Practice Meditation for transforming the negative emotions of grief. It begins with an invocation to all Buddhas, bodhisattva, and enlightened teachers and for the grieving to imagine their presence. The grieving are instructed to open their hearts to all the pain, experience their grief and tears, and to call to a Buddha by using the mantra Om Ah Hum Vajra Guru Padma Siddhi Hum for healing. Sogyal Rinpoche (1992) continued the imaginative visualization in the following manner: Imagine and know that the Buddha you are crying out to responds, with all his or her love, compassion, wisdom, and power. Tremendous rays of light stream out toward you from him or her. Imagine that light as nectar, filling your heart up completely, and transforming your suffering into bliss. (p. 314) The mantra generates a feeling of bliss that enables mourners to keep their hearts open to the deceased and to engage in spiritual practices: prayer, alms giving, transference of consciousness meditations ('pho-ba), and other practices for helping the dead. Tibetan Buddhist practices for resolving grief start by accepting the reality of grief. Grief does not disappear in a day or in a week. It takes time for grief to dissolve into solace. Taking refuge in the Three Jewels (the Buddha, the Dharma, and the Community) is the primary faith practice, preceding all other devotional and meditative practices. Taking refuge allows the mourner to face grief and find solace within a spiritual community. Continued meditational practices, such as those suggested by Sogyal Rinpoche (1992), lead to acceptance and solace. Various techniques include a final visualization within the ritual practice that imagines saying a loving farewell to the deceased with the whole mind and heart and then imagining the dead person turning and leaving. Not only does this ritual assist the living, but it also provides freedom for the deceased to continue the bardo journey. The suffering in grief is not repressed or denied but accepted and transformed into motivational energy for spiritual practice. Suffering motivated the Buddha to seek liberation; grief energized Kisa Gotami to engage in Buddhist practices that led to her realization of enlightenment. From a Tibetan Buddhist perspective, grief can be an opportunity for an individual to examine his or her own life and find meaning in it. Grief teaches one about compassion and can provide the motivation to engage in spiritual practices. The mourning process encompasses a long period, exceeding the bardo period of 49 days. Expressions of grief include wearing hair loose and unbraided, the lack of jewelry, and wearing old, black clothes. Similar to Jewish and Islamic customs of grief, there is no singing or dancing during the mourning period (T. Sangay, 198.4). Feelings of grief will return periodically. Words of condolence and consolation do not resolve the grief. Sogyal Rinpoche (1992) shared the following experience of grief from his youth: While everyone else slept, I lay awake and cried the whole night long, I understood that night that death is real and that I too would have to die. As I lay there, thinking about death and about my own death, through all my sadness a profound sense of acceptance began slowly to merge, and with it a resolve to dedicate my life to spiritual practice. (p. 7) Tibetans recognize death all around them: The deaths of those they know and love cause them to search for the meaning of life with a sense of hope. An unceasing ecology of birth and death form the matrix of grieving, but rebirth does not remove the pain of loss. At the same time, Tibetans discourage excessive emotional expressions because, Tibetans say, such expressions hinder the progress of the deceased. The dying persons is most vulnerable at the moment of death, and the intense emotions of loved ones may provoke strong feelings of attachment in the deceased. Sogyal Rinpoche encouraged families "to do their best to work out attachment and grief with the dying person before death comes: Cry together, express your love, and say good-bye, but try to finish with this process before the actual moment of death arrives." (S. Rinpoche, 1992, p. 225). Lama Lodo similarly taught that the tears of loved ones are experienced by the bardo voyager as peals of thunder or like a severe hail storm. Tears disturb and disrupt the dead in their migration toward either liberation or rebirth. The attachment of the living can bring the dying confusion, pain, and trouble. Letting go of the deceased means working through grief and channeling grief into the emotional energy of assisting the deceased in the bardo experience. One of the ways that the lama handles the bereavement of a Tibetan family and friends is by encouraging them to actively do something for their loved one: to engage in spiritual practices, embark on pilgrimage, or do good works. The lama tries to focus the emotions and grief of the relatives and friends into constructive practices for the deceased. The well-being of the deceased takes on supreme importance. The deceased has moved into a liminal bardo experience fraught with danger and opportunity. Despite the loss, Buddhists want their loved one to realize liberation or achieve a good rebirth. They harness their grief into chanting mantras and prayers, offerings, and meditational rituals. Continuing Bonds With the Dead The strategy of Tibetan Buddhist teachers and adepts is to encourage family members to channel their grieving energies into spiritual practices for the dead. This strategy can be best understood as helping the survivors join with the deceased in a new way (see Klass, Silverman, & Nickman, 1996). The rituals of body disposal radically end the old physical relationship, but as part of the powa ritual and for all the rituals of the first 49 days, the bond of the living and the dead is renewed and strengthened. Family members communicate with the dead person through food offerings. Each morning and evening, food is set aside in the bowl of the deceased and is used for burnt offerings. In many indigenous cultures, family members offer sacrifices to assist the dead in their journey in the afterlife. According to the Tibetan tradition, the smell of the burnt offering gives the deceased strength in the bardo journey. In Mahayana-Vajrayana Buddhism, there is a strong belief in transferring merit to another. Death provides an occasion for the living to perform spiritual works to assist the deceased in the bardo journey. Lamas instruct families on their need to generate merit for the deceased before the karmic judgment of the Lord of Death. The notion of family assistance for the dead relative takes on great importance, for its helps mourning family members to channel personal grief. Relatives and friends can join in the process of transferring merit to the deceased and provide a devotional mind, full of compassion for the deceased. Assisting the dying in a peaceful death and transferring merit to the deceased becomes the paramount goal of mourners. They are assisting their loved one through the perilous karmic judgment of the Lord of Death, who will decide the realm of rebirth. Lama Rinchen Phuntsogs (person communication, February 7, 1996) from the Nyingmapa school described the emotions he and his family experienced when his father, a reincarnated lama, died. Both he and his mother felt sorrow at the loss for 2 days but did not cry. His sister, on the other hand, mourned for several days. Lama Rinchen pointed out that he and his family remembered the Buddha's teachings on impermanence. Emotional grief was understood as attachment. Buddhist teachings on suffering attachment placed constraints on public display of intense emotions. Negative feelings of the emotional loss of his father were short lived by Lama Rinchen and his family. He said they generated a sense of devotion as they perceived signs that the deceased lama had been liberated into a pure land. The father's ashes were placed in a stupa that was built for him. Lama Rinchen, in this linking object, said he feels a devotional connection to and a proximity with his continued father. The most powerful time to perform spiritual practice for the deceased is during the first 21 days, because it is in this period that the deceased has his or her strongest links with the living. The consciousness of the deceased is acutely clairvoyant. Therefore, the living have the greatest access to the deceased and thus the strongest opportunity to assist him or her into liberation or a favorable rebirth. Directing good thoughts or performing spiritual practices can benefit the deceased. Negative emotions confuse the dead. By clearing one's mind of negative emotions, generating devotion, and visualizing awakened Buddhas and deities, the living actually assist the deceased. They communicate spiritual images to direct the wandering bardo consciousness to realize its spiritual goal. For the period of 49 days, the community of family and friends are kept busy in giving spiritual assistance to the deceased. Family and friends may practice powa, or the transference of consciousness meditation ritual, on any day of the 49-day period but do so especially on the same day of the week that the person died (S. Rinpoche, 1992). This ritual provides solace to relatives and friends, giving them an opportunity to assist and say farewell to the deceased. For the 49-day period, family and friends interact in a common cause of assisting the bardo voyager to a favorable rebirth. They also provide emotional support to one another through the grieving process. By the end of 49 days, the deceased has been reborn in a womb. The bardo connection with the deceased begins to provide an outlet for transforming grief into compassion. Solace thus comes from helping a loved one to engage in the project of liberation. Among the Yolmo Sherpas, songs of sadness (tser-glu) provide a social medium for expressing and transforming emotional sadness at loss. After the purification rite on the 49th day, mourners exchange songs of sadness in group duet couplets (Desjarlais, 1991). As male mourners complete the final couplet, female mourners begin their couplet. Songs traditionally function as media for public emotion and sentiment (Goldstein, 1982). Desjarlais observes that in this ritual exchange of songs, "wounds are exposed and hearts are cleansed. Similar to the Delta Blues, pain is affirmed" (1991, p. 405). The songs express a solidarity of experience of sadness and provide a medium for transforming and alleviating sadness. The reality of life is affirmed. Sadness (tsera) differs from the more problematic emotions in grief that signify attachment and thus the failure to fully recognize the Buddhist truth that all life is suffering (dukkhah). Although sadness among the Yolmos and other Tibetan Buddhists includes the experience of the physical separation from death, it recognizes the impermanence of life. The difference is portrayed in the story of Kisa Gotami. When she realized that finding a mustard seed from a household untouched by death was impossible, she felt her sadness and let go of her son. The Bardo thodol becomes a text of reassurance. The deceased loved one is proclaimed to be living and on the way to liberation or rebirth through the help of texts, lama, and family. These bardo instructions for the reader are filled with reassurances that the dead will obtain liberation or a favorable rebirth. The presence of reincarnated lamas within the Tibetan Buddhist community increases the faith of the lay practitioners and provides assurance that the bardo teachings are efficacious. As the teachers read the Bardo thodol for the dead and for the living, the mourners learn the art of dying by listening and practicing the death process itself. Through meditative visualization and various spiritual practices, they are able to imagine and experience death in the bardo. They train their mind to know death in order to attain liberation, and this training begins with compassionate practices for the dead that deconstruct egocentric grasping. The mourners participate in the liminal world of the bardo voyager. They discover a new way of interacting with the deceased and practices for dealing with their own deaths. Tibetans never forget the dead. They customarily celebrate the death anniversaries of relatives. They realize the final goal of both the living and the bardo voyagers is liberated existence. Prayers are offered for the dead and for their rebirth. Taking refuge in the Three Jewels or in awakened spiritual beings generates an imaginative realm of compassion and wisdom. Tibetan Buddhists believe that if one does not have compassion for others, including the dead, one will never know the luminous nature of one's own mind. Years after a loved one's death, relatives festively remember the anniversary of the death with food offerings and rituals. Monks or lamas are hired to chant rituals. The families believe that their own efforts and the efficacious performance of the Bardo thodol by the lama have resulted in the favorable rebirth of the deceased. Anniversary rituals become an occasion to celebrate the rebirth of the deceased, and the surviving family continues a relationship with the deceased, now either reborn or an awakened being, by generating merit. It is merit shared with the deceased, who may or may not have need of such merit. Such spiritual practices become meritorious for oneself as well. Thus, the transmutation of problematic feelings into compassionate assistance of the deceased continues the path of self-discovery of the luminous mind. While continued sadness is transferred into continual recognition of the importance of life, self-actualization and discovery happen through assisting the dead. Conclusion The Bardo thodol affirms spiritual direction for the dead and for the living. The bardo practice for the Tibetans is a method for transcending both death and grief. At death, the deceased loses everything that was once real. The fear and yearning associated with grief bring the deceased into the negative karmic continuum that will lead to a less than favorable rebirth. The spiritual director attempts to guide the deceased into cutting attachment to the physical world and embracing the expansiveness of devotion and compassion. The Bardo thodol helps the living to resolve their grief by focusing on their providing spiritual assistance to the deceased. Grief becomes reinvested in compassionate acts for the benefit of the deceased. In the process of compassionate outreach for the deceased loved one, survivors discover the meaning of the impossible conditions of self-permanence. They learn what Kisa Gotami did, that there is no mustard seed to be gathered, that every household is touched by death, and that all existence is impermanent. 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