Abstract

In spite of the officially secular character of public institutional life,
including education, religion is a pervasive undercurrent which affects
moral education, both at home and in school. In different ways Buddhism,
Shinto, Confucian traditions and new religious movements (including
Christian elements) are all influential. The nationalist emphasis, which
became prominent in the period 1872-1945, was replaced by a deliberately
secular social studies or citizenship in keeping with the spirit of the war
settlement. Latterly patriotic features have been re-introduced alongside a
stated priority for international understanding. Significantly, however,
Western thought is nominated alongside Buddhism and Confucianism in
government decrees on the curriculum as now integral to Japanese tradition.

                           Religion and morality

In countries where the Christian tradition of moral and spiritual values is
alive, moral education in the family and in the school is usually closely
associated with religion. The same holds true about nations belonging to
the Islamic cultural sphere where the doctrine of the Koran permeates all
facets of private and public life. The situation in Japan, at first sight
is quite different. Japanese society gives one the impression of being
perfectly secularized, at least as far as public life is concerned. This
affects moral education as it is taught in public and non-denominational
private schools. Systems of moral and spiritual values undoubtedly are
transmitted in the family and by different channels in society and are
partly based on religious convictions or traditions. As to moral education
in public schools, however, the principle of separation of State and Church
applies. It was adopted by the first formal school law (gakusei, 1872)[1]
affirmed by the Meiji Constitution (1889) and again by the democratic
Constitution (1947) after Japan's defeat in the Second World War (1945).
Private schools are not bound by this rule; a relatively small number of
private schools are affiliated with religious bodies and permitted to teach
religion or morality based on religion.

From these observations the reader might draw the conclusion that the
Japanese are a quite irreligious or areligious kind of people.
Paradoxically, some statistics seem to prove the contrary. Indeed, with the
exception of a few 'mission schools' religion or moral instruction based on
religion is not taught in Japanese schools; yet religion and moral concepts
stemming from religious faith form an undercurrent in private and public
life and as such exercise an influence on the teaching of morality. In the
light of this the following summary is revealing.

The Japanese traditional mentality of tolerance in matters of religion
complicates the problem. The paradox that by mere statistics the number of
believers by far exceeds the number of the entire population has puzzled
the foreign observer - that is, if you add up the figures as they are
reported by the various religions themselves. In the public census there is
no provision made for listing one's religious affiliation. The government
conducts only opinion polls on this matter. The outcome is quite different
from the figures given by the headquarters of various religions: in
official opinion polls two-thirds of the individuals asked to which
religion they belong will answer to none at all.

Another factor accounting for the discrepancy is that quite a number of
individuals or families 'belong' to two or more different religions. In
many households the Buddhist altar exists peacefully side by side with a
Shinto altar. Some devout Christian might even add a crucifix or a statue
of Our Lady to the set of religious symbols. Membership of a temple or
shrine is not so clearly defined as in the West or in Islam. Jokingly it is
said that the average Japanese receives 'baptism' (some purification rite)
in a Shinto shrine, is married in a Christian church, and buried by a
Buddhist priest. The number of young 'pagan' couples who want to have their
marriage blessed in a Christian church is increasing.

The vast majority of those who answer in an opinion poll that they belong
to a religion, describe themselves as Buddhists. A surprisingly small
number of about 3 per cent say they belong to Shintoism. One has to keep in
mind that the dividing lines are not drawn sharply and it is not at all
clear what is meant by 'belonging'. A great many of the tens of millions
who crowd the Shinto shrines on New Year's Day may without hesitation list
themselves as Buddhists in a different context. The tie by which the family
rather than the individual is attached to a particular religion is much
stronger in the case of a Buddhist temple. The Buddhist priest performs the
burial ceremony and comes around to conduct the commemoration ceremonies
(meinichi) regularly every year. In this fashion a family acquires
'membership' (danka) to a particular temple, though for the rest of the
year, the individual members of the family care little about religious
practice.

Shinto dates back to pre-historic times, long before Confucianism (early
fifth century AD) or Buddhism (middle sixth century AD) were introduced via
China and Korea. Shinto consists of a nature cult, animism, and ancestor
worship. The central deity of the Yamato clan is Amaterasu, the Sun
Goddess. Later on Shinto, with the Emperor at the centre, was used as the
spiritual foundation on which to base the Yamato clan's claim to rule
Japan, or the entire world. Deities of conquered tribes were admitted to
the Olympus of the Shinto pantheon. During the period of national revival
(Meiji Restoration) Shinto was built up further es 'State Shinto (kokka
shinto) to support the government policy of colonial expansion. State
Shinto shrines housing the souls of deceased emperors, national heroes or
the war dead and so on, were maintained by tax money, their priests
(kanushi) paid salaries as 'public servants'. In 1945 these shrines were
transformed into legal (religious) corporations (shakyo hojin) on a par
with Christian churches or Buddhist temples.

Whether Confucianism or Taoism should be considered 'religions' is a
disputed question. Many experts in the field of the science of religion
would probably deny this, though there are some elements such as religious
symbols, place of worship, and 'priests', which are akin to what is
commonly considered religion. For moral education Confucianism is much more
relevant than Buddhism or Shinto since for centuries it exercised a
tremendous influence on moral education. During the Tokugawa period
(1600-1867) it was supported by the government and used as the official
ethical code to educate the samurai and public servants. A shrine - now a
religious corporation - can still be visited opposite Ochanomizu Railway
Station in downtown Tokyo. It is dedicated to 'Saint' Confucius and called
Yushima Seido The Tokugawa Shoguns used Confucianism as a strong foundation
to maintain social and political order - an order reflecting the harmony of
the universe. As heaven (ten), earth (chi) and man (jin) constitute a
perfect cosmos, so the order of society is assured when the relations of
superior to subject, husband to wife, father to son, elder brother to
younger brother, and so on, are respected.

In addition to the 'established' religions, there are a number of 'new
religions', religious survival movements which tend toward Buddhism,
Shinto, and even sometimes incorporate Christian elements. They flourish
outside the hierarchical order of the traditional religions and usually
start with some inspired individual, frequently a woman, who claims to be
in direct contact with the supernatural world. They engage in individual
counselling and their members assist each other in material matters. Some
of them administer high schools or Universities as do certain traditional
religions.

       Moral education under the auspices of Imperialism (1872-1945)

In 1867 Emperor Meiji decided to open the doors of Japan to intercourse
with foreign nations and to transfer the capital from Kyoto to Tokyo (until
then Edo) and take residence in the palace which the Shoguns had built for
themselves. The nation was rapidly Westernized, i.e. Western institutions
were established in all fields. A modern school system following closely
the French model was created in 1872 (gakusei). The curriculum of the
primary and secondary schools included a subject called shushin, literally
'control of oneself' (mi wo osameru).[2] In the early days of the Meiji era
there were no prescribed course of study or textbooks, tests or school
marks. It was left to the imagination of the individual teacher how to
handle this subject. In the course of time it was used as a major
instrument for national indoctrination.

The year 1878 marked a turning point for the educational system as such and
for moral education (shushin) in particular. Emperor Meiji visited
different parts of the country and was concerned about the effects of
indiscriminate absorption of Western learning on the morality of his
people. In the Emperor's name an Imperial Rescript on Education (kyogaku
taishi), not identical with the famous Imperial Rescript on Education
(kyoiku chokugo, 1890), was published in 1879. The Emperor lamented the
general decay of public morals, for which he blamed the influx of Western
learning.[3] The author of the document was a conservative advisor to the
Emperor (jiko) by the name of Eifu Motoda (1818-91) who seems to be largely
responsible for the nationalistic direction into which national education
was turned from then on.

Teachers were encouraged to enforce strict discipline, calling attention to
the Confucianist moral concepts which enjoyed a long tradition in Japan.
Shushin received increased attention and its content and purpose was more
clearly defined. A number of guides were published to serve teachers and
school administrators as aids for enforcing the national spirit by means of
this subject. To be sure, not all national leaders were in agreement with
Motoda and his policy. For instance, the founder of the oldest and also at
present most prestigious private university, Keio Gijuku, by the name of
Yukichi Fukuzawa (1834-1901) disagreed and took a more progressive or
liberal stand. He maintained that at a time of such sweeping changes as the
Meiji Restoration a certain unrest was unavoidable and the influence of
Western learning should not be blamed.[4]

A long struggle ensued between liberal-progressive and
conservative-nationalist policy makers. All agreed that moral education
should be strengthened, that some official basic statement on moral
education was needed, but there was no agreement on what it should be
based. Some suggested Buddhism or Christianity. This idea was rejected by
those who referred to the Japanese tradition of separation of Church and
State (seikyo bunri) which had allegedly been followed ever since and even
before the Meiji Restoration. Others proposed Shinto as the most
appropriate ideology to support moral education of Japanese youth. There
was also a strong move in favour of Confucianism, which had so much
pervaded the moral thinking of the Japanese that it could be considered a
'national heritage'. In retrospect the Ministry of Education (Mombusho)
recalls the struggle preceding the promulgation of the Imperial Rescript on
Education (kyoiku chokugo, 1890), one year after the promulgation of the
Meiji Constitution:

As regards the moral system of the nation, some would have it based on the
principles of pure ethics, while others insisted on having Confucianism,
Buddhism, or Christianity for its standard. Conflicting doctrines and wild
views filled the atmosphere, and the people at large were at a loss which
to follow.[5]

One difficulty in the struggle to define the role of religion in moral
education resulted from the confusion that it was not at all clear what was
meant by religion. Apparently in the mind of all concerned there was no
doubt that Confucianism did not constitute a religion. With Shinto the case
was more complex. Terms such as kami, which we translate as 'God(s)' (there
is no distinction between singular and plural in Japanese), do not
necessarily raise the same associations in the mind of the Japanese as in
the West. The same applies to terms as inoru, to pray; reihai, worship;
ogamu, adore, and the like.[6]

Hence, allusions in the Rescript to Shinto such as for example, the phrase
'Our Imperial Throne coeval with heaven and earth', are not intended to
provoke an expression of religious faith as, for instance, in the Christian
Creed addressed to 'Almighty God, Creator of heaven and earth'. Even the
most ultra-nationalistic interpretation of the Rescript, the Kokutai no
Hongi (The True Essence of Our Polity, 1937) warns that the faith in an
Absolute and Supreme Being as it is understood by Westerners, is not
identical to the concept of kami, as it is applied in the phrase of
describing the Emperor as 'God apparent' (ara-hito-kami), or referring to
Japan as the 'land of the God(s)' (shinkoku).

The 1890 Imperial Rescript on Education, the most important document
dealing with moral education for the period 1867-1945, rests on three
pillars: (1) State Shinto; (2) Confucianism; (3) modern political and
social ethics. Reference to the Shinto mythology surrounding the origin and
the status of the Imperial family in the eyes of its authors did not
violate the principle of separation of Church and State. It was used as a
medium for giving expression to the paternalistic foundations of the
identity feeling of the Japanese nation - a family with the Emperor as
family head. Confucianism, already deeply rooted in the Japanese moral
tradition, stressed the need for correct human relations: Emperor-subjects;
father-son; husband-wife, and so on. Allusions to modern Western ethical
norms were underscored when the Rescript admonishes the 'subjects', 'to
respect the Constitution and observe the laws; should emergency arise,
offer yourselves courageously to the State'.[7] What is meant is that every
citizen was obliged to defend his country, even at the risk of his life - a
privilege which until then had been reserved to the samurai, the warrior
class. The 'subjects' were also encouraged to 'pursue learning, cultivate
arts and thereby develop intellectual and moral powers' - an objective
which reminds us of Aristotelian or Thomistic educational philosophy -
perfecting intellectual and moral habits as the end of education. But the
utilitarian purpose of education recommended by the Rescript was quite
different from Aristotle's ideal of liberal education, education for its
own sake.

The Rescript was treated with quasi-religious reverence, kept together with
the picture of the Emperor and Empress in a special safe, recited solemnly
in front of the entire student body on national feast days, entrance and
commencement exercises, and similar occasions. Elderly Japanese even now
remember it by heart. The story goes that some principals committed suicide
when they mispronounced a word in reciting the Rescript or when it perished
in a fire.

Naturally the influence of the Rescript pervaded the entire school
atmosphere, but was most strongly felt in shushin, the subject of moral
education. Victories of the Japanese army and navy at the end of the
nineteenth century (the Sino-Japan War) and the beginning of the twentieth
century (the Russo-Japanese War) seemed to prove that the education based
on the Rescript had resuited in producing a populace ready to offer itself
'courageously to the State'.

After the death of Emperor Meiji (1911) there was a short interval in
Japanese history referred to as the 'Taisho Democracy' - Taisho being the
Emperor who succeeded Meiji. Names of foreign models for character
formation, such as Socrates, Lincoln, Madame Curie, etc., which had been
banished earlier, were again admitted in the textbooks on moral education.
John Dewey, the famous protagonist of American pragmatism, was invited to
lecture at the Imperial Tokyo University (1917). The democratic interlude,
however, did not last long. In the early 1920s, police conducted witch
hunts for 'red students' and raided their 'agito' (agitation centres). In
1925 a military officer was assigned to all secondary schools and
universities to supervise not only the part-time military training of the
boys, but also the patriotic spirit of the schools.

The climax of ultra-nationalistic indoctrination was reached with the
publication of Kokutai no Hongi (The True Essence of Our Polity)[8] in
1937, the year in which Japanese military forces invaded mainland China.
According to this document, published by the Ministry of Education, the
claim of the Japanese nation with the Emperor at its centre to rule the
entire world was based on the myth of the first Emperor Jimmu, who had
received that mandate from the Sun Goddess Amaterasu. A sweeping school
reform was initiated by the 'National School Reform' in 1941. Even the name
'elementary school' (jinjo shogakko) was altered to 'national school'
(kokamin gakko), but before the new reform could take root in the
educational system, the war was over, and the nation faced a complete
ideological void. The 'Gods' had failed it. No kamikaze had come to its
rescue.

          Education for democracy: post-war and present situation

The victorious nations announced in the Potsdam Declaration, which Japan
was obliged to accept at the time of unconditional surrender in 1945, that
the entire Japanese nation must be re-educated in the spirit of democracy
and that all traces of ultra-nationalistic and militaristic ideology would
be eliminated. As a first step in that direction shushin was suppressed;
geography and history classes were suspended until new directions and new
textbooks could be written. They were later combined in one subject 'social
studies'. Another subject 'citizenship' (komin) lasted only a few years. A
new 'Fundamental Law of Education' was passed in 1947. The time-honoured
Imperial Rescript on Education of 1890 was formally revoked by the National
Diet in 1949. The new Fundamental Law determined the direction moral
education was supposed to take in a democratic society:

Education shall aim at the full development of personality, striving for
the rearing of the people, sound in mind and body, who shall love truth and
justice, esteem individual values, respect labour and have a deep sense of
responsibility, and be imbued with the independent spirit, as builders of
the peaceful state and society.[9]

This and other laws dealing with education were inspired by a report
submitted to General MacArthur in March 1946 by a United States Education
Mission to Japan. The Mission was not much in favour of ethics as a regular
school subject, but did not preclude such a possibility altogether.[10] In
spite of protests from conservative circles in Japan, a second Mission sent
to Japan in 1950 to conduct a follow-up study took a similar stand. ucation
in the school was made in 1951 by Minister of Education Teiyu Amano, a
Kantian philosopher, and was promptly defeated by the leftist opposition
organized in the Japan Teachers Union (JTU). The struggle between the
Ministry of Education and the JTU (Nikkyoso) went on for several years. In
the end a compromise solution was enforced by the Ministry. In 1958 it
circulated directives to all local authorities according to which moral
education, in addition to being taught in all subjects and through various
extracurricular activities, should be introduced as 'special hour'
(tokusetsu jikan). Though it was added to the official Course of Study
(gakushu shido yoryo), it was not included among the regular subjects but
was set apart. Hence, the outlines for the course of moral education were
not binding, and subject matter was described only in a vague fashion; no
textbooks were prescribed, nor were tests or school marks to be given. In
addition to this one weekly hour, moral education pervades the entire
curriculum. Thus because a teacher of any subject may be called upon to
teach moral education, two credits for 'Studies in Moral Education' became
part of the requirements for a teaching certificate in any subject on the
compulsory school level. In the 1983 edition of the Course of Study moral
education:

...is aimed at realizing the respect for human dignity in the actual life
of the family, school and community, endeavouring to create a culture that
is rich in individuality and to develop a democratic society and state,
training Japanese to be capable of contributing to a peaceful international
society, and cultivating the foundation thereof.

In the class of Moral Education, based on the above objectives, instruction
should be given so as to deepen the self-consciousness of a way of life as
human beings, and to develop students' ability to practice morality by
maintaining close relations with moral education conducted in the class of
each Subject and in Special Activities, and supplementing, intensifying and
integrating the moral education through systematic and developmental
judgement, by enriching their moral sentiments, by seeking improvement in
their moral attitudes and willingness for practice.[11]

A list of desirable 'moral habits', concrete descriptions of what is meant
by 'morel understanding' and norms for actual behaviour are attached to the
Course of Study.

After the disturbances in 1960 (caused by the renewal of the Japan-American
Security Treaty) or even earlier, it was felt that further clarification of
the philosophy underlying moral education was needed. A special advisory
committee worked out a paper which was submitted as an interim report to
the general public soliciting reactions to the recommendations. In its
final form it was promulgated as Kitai sareru Ningenso, literally: The
Desirable Image of Man. The title The Image of the Ideal Japanese under
which English translations were circulated is more appropriate.
Conservative circles had criticized the post-war educational legislation as
containing no reference to the formation of the Japanese citizen.[12] The
final Report was meant to fill in that gap and was submitted to the
Ministry of Education by the Central Council on Education (Chyukyoshin) in
1966 and immediately aroused violent opposition from the leftist groups,
which branded it as a revival of nationalism and imperialism in education.
Indeed, the Report advocates the cultivation of national consciousness. Its
general tendency is summarized in the Preamble:

In the present situation of education in Japan, it is felt that due
attention should be paid to such education objectives as national
consciousness, awareness of society and consciousness of the values of
vocation and the virtue of work and also the meaning of being an individual
with a strong will. What is presented here is a picture of various moral
virtues inherent in human nature.[13]

To attach a label to this type of educational philosophy, we may say it
falls under the category of 'natural or rational humanism', drawing the
justification for establishing moral norms from recourse to human nature.

Since the publication of the The Image of the Ideal Japanese (1966) two
major reform plans of education have aroused public interest. The Basic
Outlines for an Overall Reform of School Education were the result of four
years of labour in countless committee sessions and was submitted in their
final form to the Ministry of Education by the Central Council of Education
in 1971. Prime Minister Nakasone planned a revision on an even higher level
and appointed in 1984 an 'Ad hoc Committee on Education' (Rinkyoshin),
directly responsible to the Prime Minister. The third of the four
sub-committees into which the Committee was divided, dealt with moral
education. The Rinkyoshin reported regularly to the public and held a
number of public hearings. The final Report was sent to the Prime Minister
in 1987.

Basically, neither the Report of 1971 nor the one of the Rinkyoshin in 1987
contained substantial new insights or recommendations as far as moral
education is concerned. According to the latter it is imperative for the
educational reform to 'take a fresh look at the educational objective of
perfect character formation'. This includes emphasis on the cultivation of
such values as 'he dignity of he individual, respect for individuality, an
autonomous spirit - values which are realized within a harmonious balance
between freedom and discipline'.[14] National pride, self-respect,
discipline, etc. are more strongly emphasized than in previous statements
on policy. A new nuance was introduced where the Report strikes an
international note - schools should turn out people who combine with their
national consciousness understanding and appreciation of foreign cultures
and awareness of the responsibility of Japan toward the rest of mankind.

The Directives of 1958 for moral education and recommendations of later
Reports are reflected in the Course of Study (gakushu shido voryo). The
latest revision was promulgated in 1989 and goes into effect in 1993, 1994,
and 1995 respectively for the three levels of primary, lower, and upper
secondary school. According to the new Course of Study, the singing of the
national anthem and displaying the national flag is made obligatory on
certain occasions. At the upper secondary level (senior high school) the
subject of 'social studies' has been replaced by two new subjects,
'history/geography' and 'citizenship' (komin), the latter taking care of
the systematic teaching of ethics on that level. This change is of more
than symbolic significance.

The `catalogue' of virtues to be cultivated at the primary school is
divided into three sections of objectives, one set for first/second,
third/fourth, and fifth/sixth grades. Each of the three sections is
subdivided into four groups of desirable habits, (1) matters belonging to
oneself; (2) relationship of self to other persons; (3) matters related
chiefly to nature and sublime things (life, beauty); (4) matters concerning
the group and society (truthfulness, respect for parents and grand-
parents, teachers, good relations with classmates, etc.).[15] Similar
virtues are listed for the higher grades of primary education, but adapted
to a higher level of growth. At this level special attention has to be paid
to the cultivation of understanding of foreign countries, kindness to their
people, along with the need to develop an appreciation of national
consciousness and national cultural values.

The chapter in the Course of Study for Lower Secondary School (junior high
school) dealing with moral education is divided into the same four sections
as at the primary level with the same headings, but without further
division by grades, evidently leaving greater freedom to the teacher how to
organize the subject matter. Desirable traits recommended under the first
heading include truthfulness, sincerity, self-respect, self-advancement,
and so on. The second group of objectives stresses politeness, warm
personal relations, friendship, respect for the other sex, humble readiness
to learn from others, etc. The third group alludes vaguely to religious
sentiment when it is stated that besides the love of nature and beauty, 'a
sense of reverence for that which transcends human powers should be
fostered'. The fourth group deals with the cultivation of self-reliance,
respect for law, social solidarity and justice, love of labour, and
cultivation of family spirit. Patriotism is demanded as a prerequisite for
international understanding.

At the secondary level 'ethics' (rinri) has become one section within the
subject of 'citizenship', that is, it is part of the regular school
curriculum. It is supposed

to cultivate the power and the attitude(s) necessary for a conscientious
citizen by building on the respect for man, and by deepening the
understanding and the thinking about self-formation during the time of
 youth and about the desirable way of living of youth and to implant the
moral stamina aiming at the formation of character.[16]

Under three headings the subject matter to be treated in senior high school
ethics is defined as: (1) how to live and behave as a human being during
the period of adolescence; (2) ethics and society; (3) self-identity of the
Japanese and relationship with the international community. Of special
interest may be the third heading, connecting the need for improving
international understanding to the cultivation of a strong appreciation of
national identity. Buddhism, Confucianism, and Western thought should be
treated in the light of their integration into Japanese tradition. Pupils
ought to be educated so as to realize the role to be played by Japan in
contributing to worldwide cooperation, prosperity and peace. Some
conclusions may be drawn from this brief survey of the historical and
ideological background and the present situation of moral education in
Japan. Japanese educationists do believe that moral education can be taught
in a systematic way in the school. The underlying assumption is that it can
be based on the conviction of the (good) nature of (Japanese) human beings,
divorced, however, from any particular denomination or religious creed.
Since the time of the San Francisco Peace Treaty (1952) and the sweeping
reforms after the defeat in the Second World War and the ensuing period of
democratization the pendulum is swinging back toward a policy advocating a
stronger realization that moral education in Japan should foster national
pride and traditional values. At the same time it is stated emphatically
that school education must open the eyes of the young toward global issues.
They should be made aware of the special role Japan is called upon to play
in international relations. The increased awareness of this task,
appreciation of foreign cultures, is closely tied to the cultivation of
national identity feelings. Discipline and thrift are still considered
'virtues' in Japan, self-esteem to be balanced by the need to adjust to the
group.

                            Notes and References

[1.] In 1907 the Ministry of Education published an English translation of
the Imperial Rescript on Education, 1890; the introduction to the
translation refers to the Japanese tradition of secularism:

Our education has had no connection with religion since olden times and the
new system (1872) is also free from any sacerdotal influence. Secular
morality has always been taught in the schools and forms a distinctive
feature of our system.

KATAYAMA, S.(1974). Shiryo Kyoiku Chokugo. (Documents on the Imperial
Rescript on Education.) Koryusha, p.8.

[2.] Ibid., p.4.

[3.] The Rescript of 1879 says:

On the one hand, we praise the beneficial results for the restoration of
Japan due to the influx of Western accomplishments; yet on the other hand,
it is feared that by indiscriminately competing about (the introduction of)
the Western way of living and by leaving behind mercy, justice, loyalty and
filial piety (jin-gi-chu-ko), in the future the great virtues of the
relation of Emperor to subject, parents to children may be utterly
neglected, and this is not in keeping with the right spirit of education in
our country.

Ibid., p.17.

[4.] KATAYAMA, S. op cit., p.60.

[5.] Ibid., p.8.

[6.] Even the Catholic Church has honoured this interpretation of the
Japanese government, allowing Catholics to participate in Shinto rites:

It is abundantly clear that in the regions of the Orient some ceremonies,
although they may have been involved with pagan rites in ancient times,
have - with the changes in customs and thinking over the centuries -
retained merely the civil significance of piety towards the ancestors or
love of the fatherland or of courtesy towards one's neighbours.

MINAMIKI, G. (1985) The Chinese Rites Controversy. Chicago: Loyola
University Press. p.197.

[7.] KATAYAMA, S. op. cit., p.7. Ibid., pp.6-11, the official Japanese
original, English French and German translations.

[8.] MOMBUSHO (MINISTRY OF EDUCATION), (1937). Kokutai no Hongi. English
translation, KING HALL, R. Ed., (tr. GAUNTLET J.O.). (1949). The True
Essence of Our Polity. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

[9.] Quoted in PASSSIN, H. (1965). Society and Education in Japan. Teachers
College, Columbia University, p.302.

[10.] The Mission took the following stand:

But if ethics is to be taught as a single or separate course, we recommend
(1) that every effort be made to save for its content such Japanese manners
as are consistent with genuine equality, (2) that the good sportsmanship of
give-and-take, including the constitutional machinery which makes such
accommodation possible, be studied and taught comparatively, and (3) that
whatever variety of work there is in Japan, and whatever contentment of
spirit the practice of skill has achieved, be celebrated in the curriculum.

Report of the United States Education Mission to Japan, 30 March, 1946,
United States Government Printing Office, Washington, 1946. Reprint:
Education in Japan, Educational Documents of Occupied Japan. Meisei
University Press, 1983. p.14.

[11.] MINISTRY OF EDUCATION, JAPAN, (1983). Course of Study for Lower
Secondary Schools in Japan, p.121. MINISTRY OF EDUCATION, (1980). Japan's
Modern Educational System, pp.269-370. The first manual of the new 'special
hour': Dotoku Kyoiku Jisshi Yoko. (Manual for the Practice of Moral
Education), Tokyo: Chiho Cakkai, 1958:

The special hour of moral education should present an opportunity for
systematic guidance to awaken awareness as a target for the moral education
of children. While maintaining close connection with moral guidance in
other educational activities, it should supplement this, deepen it, and
unite it and foster moral habits, moral understanding and judgment, and
positively promote awareness about the ideal place to be taken by the
individual in society

[12.] English translation with comments: Education in Contemporary Japan
(1971). Nishinomiya: International Institute for Japan Studies.

[13.] Ibid., p.11.

[14.] Nihon Kyoiku Shimbun. (Japan Education Newspaper), 1986, p.4.

[15.] MOMBUSHO, (1989). Shogakko Gakushu Shido Yoryo. (Course of Study for
Elementary Schools), pp.105 - 6.

[16.] MOMBUSHO, (1989). Koto Gakko Gakushu Shido Yoryo (Course of Study for
Upper Secondary Schools). p.46.

                       Selected English Bibliography

DUKE, B. (1986). The Japanese School. New York: Praeger.

HALL, R.K. (E.d.) (tr. GAUNTLET, J.O.) (1949). Kokutai no Hongi. Cambridge:
Harvard University Press.

HORIO, T. (tr. PLATZER, S.) (1988). Educational Thought and Ideology in
Modern Japan. Tokyo: Tokyo University Press.

KOBAYSHI, T. (1976). Society, Schools and Progress in Japan. Oxford:
Pergamon Press.

KODAMA, M. (Ed.) (1983). CIE (15 February 1946) Education in Japan. Tokyo:
Meisei University Press.

JAPAN, MINISTRY OF EDUCATION (1980). Japan's Modern Educational System. A
History of the First Hundred Years. Tokyo: Ministry of Education.

JAPAN, MINISTRY OF EDUCATION (1983a). Course of Study for Elementary
Schools in Japan. Tokyo: Ministry of Education.

JAPAN, MINISTRY OF EDUCATION (1983b). Course of Study for Lower Secondary
Schools in Japan. Tokyo: Ministry of Education.

JAPAN, MINISTRY OF EDUCATION (1983c). Course of Study for Upper Secondary
Schools in Japan. Tokyo: Ministry of Education.

MINAMIKI, G. (1985). The Chinese Rites Controversy, Chicago: Loyola
University Press.

NISHI, T. (1982). Unconditional Democracy. Education and Politics in
Occupied Japan, 1945-1953. Stanford: Hoover Institution Press.

PASSIN, H. (1965). Society and Education in Japan. New York: Columbia
University.

PASSIN, H. (1970). Japanese Education. A Bibliography of Material in the
English Language (Ch.4, Moral Education). New York: Teacher's College,
Columbia University.

SMITH, W. Jr. (1973). Confucianism in Modern Japan. Tokyo: The Hokuseido
Press.

TEICHLER, U. and VOSS, F. (1974). Bibliography on Japanese Education.
Pullach bei Munchen: Verlag Dokumentation.

~~~~~~~~

By Klaus Luhmer SJ

Klaus Luhmer SJ, is Professor and Chancellor, Sophia University, 7-1,
Kioicho, Chiyoda-ku, Tokyo 102, Japan.
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