ABSTRACT. Some of the major canonical scriptures of Buddhism are examined,
as well as some of the secondary literature about these writings, in order
to see what type of economic system might be inferred from the religious
tenets which Gautama Buddha expounded. The personal and social ethics
underlying such a system, the economic institutions which are consistent
with such moral rules and the attitudes toward property and wealth which
they inspire are analyzed for the light they shed on the explanation of
economic behavior.

                                     I

                                Introduction

THE NOTION OF BUDDHIST ECONOMICS may seem a contradiction in terms. The
Buddhist doctrine of non-self would appear to discourage both production
and accumulation, and, moreover, to undermine concern for the economic
welfare of others. Its doctrine of nibbana (nirvana) appears both to deny
the importance of economic activity and to encourage withdrawal from this
world. Its doctrine of kamma (karma) appears to erode any critical analysis
of the existing economic order. From such considerations respected
authorities on religion, such as Max Weber [1958], argue Buddhism takes an
"asocial course" so that there is no "nexus" between the Buddhist ideology
and the social order which includes the economy.

Nevertheless, governments, in the Asian nations where Buddhism is a living
force, are faced with problems in making or implementing economic policy,
creating economic institutions, and raising the level of economic
development. In this context Buddhist intellectuals have been re-examining
their religion to obtain theological perspectives on such policy problems.
Further, in the West, scholars of Buddhism are turning, from their focus on
Buddhist salvation and contemplation, toward an examination of individual
and social ethics of Buddhism (e.g., Sizemore and Swearer [1988]) Finally,
certain Western intellectuals are also using Buddhist ideas to describe
their view of desirable economic policy.(n1) The topic of Buddhist
economics, therefore, seems deserving of consideration.

The purpose is to determine whether the most important parts of the
Buddhist canon contain a set of doctrines which allow us to gain some
coherent ideas about how a modern economic system based upon it should
function. Certainly, one finds no systematic exposition about economics in
these scriptural sources (or, for that matter, in more modem
commentaries(n2)); however, despite their discursiveness and vagueness,
enough is available to see a coherent framework. Such an attempt, involves
a certain subjectivity, especially since I view these matters through the
lenses of a Western trained economist and can only take into account
readily available (and translated) primary and secondary source materials,
which represent only a fraction of the canon.

This discussion of ideas in the formal Buddhist canonical sources does not
tell us anything very specific about how Buddhism is actually practiced
today, i. e., we cannot easily infer from doctrine to behavior, especially
without specification of the social matrix and those particular aspects
which a particular group has chosen to adopt or to ignore. To draw a
parallel with Christianity, at face value, there is little in the formal
doctrines of Calvinism or, for that matter, of the Old Believers of the
Russian Orthodox Church which would directly lead someone to suspect that
the groups practicing these religions were extremely active in the rise in
capitalism that occurred in Western Europe or Russia in the 17th through
19th centuries.

To limit further the scope of discussion, I focus primary attention on
Theravada rather than Mahayana Buddhism. The former is found in Burma,
Cambodia, Laos, Sri Lanka, and Thailand; the latter, in China, India,
Japan, Korea, and Vietnam. I also deal only with the formal sources, rather
than the legends and myths; the latter may have more direct influence,
however, on the actual behavior of practicing Buddhists.

                                     II

      Traditional Buddhist Economic Beliefs as Reflected in the Canon

BUDDHISM stems from the teachings of Siddhartha Gautama (ca. 566-ca. 483
B.C.E.) sometimes called Gautama Buddha or the Buddha Sakyamuni (the
Enlightened sage of the Sakya clan, to which he belonged). Born in what is
now southern Nepal, his teachings--called dhamma (a word also meaning
truth, law, norm)-focused on penetrating the obvious, visible aspects of
life to determine their essential and true aspects. The ultimate aim of the
teachings of the Buddha is the attainment of nibbana (understanding of this
reality; dispassion; bliss), transcending the rounds of existence or the
cycle of rebirth, and leading a life based on such understanding. A noble
but less lofty aim is expressed in the doctrine of kamma (moral justice):
to live a life such that sufficient merit has been accumulated to be reborn
in a better situation to attain nibbana in a later life.

The ethical teachings of the Buddha can only be understood in the light of
some of his views about the nature of the world, of which three are of
particular relevance for this discussion:

First, all mental and physical phenomena are impermanent and life is a
process subject to constant change. Thus, our state of material wealth may
not last and we must not develop undue attachment to our possessions.

Second, the nature of causation regulating the movement of this flux is
very broad Our actions and attitudes today, as well as our treatment of
nature, have a variety of future consequences not only in this life but our
succeeding lives as well (this is part of the doctrine of rebirth). Such an
approach provides the basis for a "deep ecology." It also means that moral
action (which includes both activity and thoughts) on the part of a group
can influence the happiness and prosperity of both the group members and
the members of the larger community (through a type of moral radiation
discussed below), both in the near and the far future.

Third, in its most essential sense, the self does not exist; and that which
we call "self" is the result of a misunderstanding about our separation
from nature. Thus self-centered ambition is at best only temporarily
satisfying; and we must learn to transcend such base passions as
selfishness and greed.

Personal ethics are an important part of the Buddhist doctrine. In his
first sermon,(n3) the Buddha pronounced the Four Noble Truths dealing
primarily with the nature of suffering on this earth and its transcendence.
The fourth truth is that cessation of such suffering requires a person to
follow the Noble Eightfold Path, which consists of a set of prescriptions
for attitudes and behavior (discussed below) in our world. Theory and
practice (i.e., behavior in this world) are interrelated; suffering is
rooted in sensory craving and attachment; and that attachment is
fundamentally a state of bondage to the wheel of rebirth operating
according to the inevitable law of cause and effect which bring about a
moral justice (kamma). That is, suffering is conditioned by both the mind
and behavior and through right understanding and activity, a new
relationship to the world can be fashioned both now and in our future
lives.

From such a philosophic base two strands of Buddhism can, for heuristic
purposes, be distinguished. A nibbanic strand focuses on soteriological
concerns (i.e., salvation or enlightenment), particularly of monks and
others who have withdrawn from worldly pursuits. Enlightenment can be most
expeditiously gained by shorter or longer withdrawals from the mundane
world of family and normal work activities for devotion to spiritual
reflection and practice. In contrast to Christian monks, Theravada monks do
not participate in normal work and obtain their necessary food by gifts
from the laity, in return for teaching them the dhamma. Thus the monk is
very much part of this world, albeit occupying a special niche; and
moreover, in most places a person can join or resign from the Theravadin
monkhood at any time. This emphasis on meditation and withdrawal for the
achievement of individual salvation, interpreted in the light of the
doctrines of impermanence and non-self, has led to the common belief that
Buddhism is a "world denying" and a highly "individualistic" religion.

A kammic strand of Buddhism is of greater relevance to the lay person. In
his first sermon, the Buddha declared that those wishing to lead a pure
life should avoid both the extreme of self-indulgence and asceticism, but
rather a person should select a Middle Way. It is important to stress that
such a Middle Way does not exclude a comfortable life style or, for that
matter, the prosperity associated with economic development. In this
important respect Buddhism is not "anti-materialistic. "

The moral content of the Middle Way is exemplified by the Noble Eightfold
Path right understanding, right thought, right speech, right action, right
livelihood, right effort, right mindfulness, and right concentration. Right
speech, action and livelihood constitute the sila (moral discipline); of
particular importance to economic activity are right action and right
livelihood.

According to the interpretation by Saddhatissa (1971, pp. 710, right action
consists of observing the Five Precepts which include: not to kill but to
practice love and harmlessness to all; not to take that which is not given
(e.g, theft or deceit) but to practice charity and generosity; not to
indulge in false speech but to practice sincerity and honesty; not to
partake of intoxicating drinks or drugs which cause heedlessness, but to
practice restraint and mindfulness; and not to commit sexual misconduct,
but to practice purity and self control. For special occasions or for more
dedicated Buddhists five additional precepts are added: to abstain from
taking untimely meals; to abstain from worldly amusements; to abstain from
use of personal adornments; to avoid sleeping on luxurious beds; and to
avoid the handling or possession of gold or silver (which can only really
be carried out in the long term by a monk). Popular commentators on right
action (e.g., Bodhi, 1984), draw from the "Sigalovada Suttanta" [Suttanta
No. 31 in Digha Nikaya] to interpret mindfulness to include working
diligently and faithfully fulfilling one's duties to superiors, as well as
treating subordinates in a proper manner.

Right livelihood or vocation means that the layman should only pursue an
occupation that does not cause harm or injustice to other beings. This
means laymen are forbidden to deal in arms, in living beings (e.g., slaves
or prostitution), in meat, in intoxicating drinks or drugs, and in poisons.
Some commentators, drawing upon the canon, also include the taking of usury
although this raises some problems.(n4) Longer exegetic exercises of right
livelihood (e.g., Sayadaw, 1977) include Four Restraints: from livelihood
based on wrong conduct (including the dealing of the five commodities
mentioned above); on improper means (this applies primarily to monks); on
deception of others; and on low, worldly knowledge (astrology, palmistry,
and forecasting).

Robin Lovin (1988) makes an interesting point "There is no Buddhist social
ethics if one means a single normative form of society that all Buddhists
(or even all Theravadins) recognize as applicable in all ages." Thus
emphasis is placed on general precepts of behavior applied to specific
situations and on the importance of motives underlying behavior (i. e.,
with correct awareness of the true nature of things). Others stress that
the real importance of following the precepts is character building.

Although the lay path leads only to a higher rebirth, while the path of a
monk can lead to release, it is important to stress that the line between
monk and laity is thin because of the fluidity between monk and lay
positions. Although the fulfillment of worldly duties was never preached as
a way of salvation, a layman can achieve nibbana (with difficulty) or (more
easily) by a career change. According to one specialist in Buddhist ethics
(Saddhatissa; 1979, p. 120) "it is obvious that a householder after
becoming an arahant [a stage in spiritual development], does not remain
attached to his home or family."

The literature about Buddhism features considerable debate about whether
the nibbanic and kammic strands represent "two Buddhisms." Resolving this
question is not important for this essay, although it must be noted that
both fit within the same philosophic framework and, as I analyze below in
greater detail, there is an economic complementarily between the two
groups. Some commentators (e.g., Reynolds, 1979) on Buddhist ethics add
another cross-cutting distinction between "this-worldly" and
"other-worldly" actions so that "four Buddhisms" can be distinguished. In
this essay I focus on "this-worldly" actions of the laity.

                                    III

                 Teachings on Property, Wealth, and Income

A WELL KNOWN BUDDHIST ANALYSIS of the origins of private property is
contained in the "Aganna Sutta" [Suttanta No. 27 in Digha Nikaya] sometimes
called the "Buddhist Book of Genesis." According to this text, in the
beginning there was general prosperity and property in common. Rice was so
abundant that when gathered in the evening for supper, a new crop was ready
to be gathered for breakfast in the morning. However, certain
inequalities--based on physical characteristics--arose and such
differentiation led to transgressions from the path of the dhamma, as the
more handsome people scorned those with less fortunate endowments. Somewhat
later, further transgressions occurred as people maximized utility by
collecting and storing rice for several meals, thereby saving some work for
themselves and acting in a self-interested manner. A consequence of this
latter transgression was a decline in the fecundity of rice, which seems to
indicate diminishing returns to the land. Following these events, the Sutta
says that the fields were divided and assigned to specific individuals as
private property, which in turn gave rise to the stealing of land, lying
and other undesirable activities.

Three aspects of this story of differentiation leading to "attachment"
appear particularly important for our purposes. First, private property in
land arose as a pragmatic response to human frailities and economic
scarcities which were induced by transgressions from the moral law. Second,
private property is by no means a perfect institution and it can give rise
to undesirable activities. Nevertheless, I have been unable to find any
suggestion in the canon that alternative property arrangements, e.g, a
system of community or public ownership, would be better, given the
condition of human kind which we find on earth. Third, a later part of the
story derives the origins of the caste system from such events.

From this story of the origins of property, it should come as no surprise
that Buddhist teachings on the nature of wealth reveal some fundamental
ambivalences. Fortunately, a recent scholarly conference on this topic
(Sizemore and Swearer, 1988) has provided a useful exegesis of these
doctrines.

Property per se for the layman is not despised. For instance, in the
Anguttara-Nikaya, IV, vii, 61) we read of the Fourfold Deserved Bliss of a
Layman: the bliss of ownership, the bliss of enjoyment, the bliss of
debtlessness, and the bliss of blamelessness. Later in the same source (V,
iv, 40) we learn of the five reasons why a person should desire to be rich
(by riches obtained by moral means). By his diligence he could make himself
happy as well as his family and work people; he could also make happy his
friends and companions; he would be able to keep his property from the
depredations of weather, robbers, and enemies; he could make suitable
offerings to kin, guests, the deceased, and kings; and finally he could
offer to recluses and monks.

Further, practical advice is given so that one's property is maintained.
For instance, in the "Sigalovada Suttanta" (op. cit.), the Buddha cites six
ways condicive to loss of property and wealth which should be avoided, of
which one is idleness. The property owner is also advised to divide his
wealth into four parts one part for living and doing one's duties for
others; one part for times of need; and two parts to business (presumably
buying intermediate products). If these four parts are of equal size and if
the passage refers to the division of income (this is ambiguous), it
implies a high amount of savings.

Despite these positive views toward wealth, two basic moral ideas must be
stressed. First, the owner of such wealth should not be unduly attached to
it, nor must he accumulate it by immoral means. To cultivate this
non-attachment, a person must be generous and give large parts of it away,
specially to the monks. Moreover, the more that is accumulated and then
given away, the more a person can cultivate non-attachment (a matter
discussed by Kemper, 1988; Reynolds, 1988; and others in Sizemore and
Swearer, 1988). Thus wealth is a means for gaining merit. Second, such
generosity leads to the accumulation of merit which, in turn, means that a
person is reborn to a higher position of wealth and social status; thus
inherited wealth is a sign of virtue in a previous life, i. e. accumulated
merit. However, such amassing of wealth can also lead to rebirth in a lower
social and economic status--even perhaps in hell--if it is carried out by
improper means or unskillful mental habits if it is not generously shared;
or if it gives rise to pride or greed or other types of improper behavior.
In sum, there is a high risk but also a high spiritual and economic return
in amassing wealth. The optimal path for accumulating and then giving away
wealth does not seem to be specified in the canon; clearly, however, a
person's discount rate for wealth in future rebirths cannot be an important
factor in arriving at a solution, for a person approaching the problem in
this manner would reveal too much attachment to wealth. In possessing
wealth, one must not be possessed by wealth.(n5)

To complete this discussion it should be emphasized that the Buddha saw no
virtue in poverty; indeed, that poverty can be an impediment to virtue. In
an oft-cited passage from the Dhammapada Commentary[1969], Book 15, Story
5, pp. 74-76) the Buddha notes that if he is preaching the dhamma while a
nearby poor man is suffering from pangs of hunger, he will not be able to
be comprehended. However, as soon as the poor man's physical suffering
becomes relieved, his mind becomes tranquil and he is open to reason. The
same source notes that the ideal city, as described by Buddha, is one where
prosperity reigns. Further, poverty raises improper desires--greed and
craving--and does not permit a person to be generous. Indeed, in one
dialogue, "Cakkavatti-Sihanada Suttanta," [Suttanta No. 26, Digha Nikaya],
the Buddha notes that poverty leads to stealing, violence, and murder which
is hardly conducive to the conditions leading to the spiritual enrichment
of the society or the individual. ording to Swearer and Sizemore (1988),
"[f]or the individual, following the d/gamma is not only morally the best
and religiously the highest life; it is prudentially the wisest, and
ultimately the most profitable. And yet, non-attachment is still the
dominant motif: if self-serving greed becomes the motive for such a life,
the virtue of even the best action will be lost. Craving destroys the merit
of any action and so conformity to the dhammic code for the sake of gain is
self-defeating." It should be added that the spiritually most developed
look upon all worldly success, even in a future world, as a snare and
delusion; and they attempt to transcend this cycle of rebirths by achieving
nibbana; but such spiritual virtuosity is only for a self-elected few who,
moreover, are capable (in terms of accumulated merit) of carrying out such
a task.

                                   Notes

(n1.) This essay in one of a series ([1985a], [1985b], [1988]) analyzing
the ideal economic system of major world religions. Since I focus primarily
on Theravada Buddhism, I follow the usual practice in this literature and
use the transliterations from the Pali terminology for all religious
technical terms, rather than from the Sanskrit; hence nibbana instead of
nirvana, kamma instead of karma; dhamma for dharma, etc. For clarity, the
Sanskrit terms are placed in parentheses when the terms are first
introduced. For the canonical sources I have cited the original numberings;
therefore the uppercase Roman numerals generally do not refer to the volume
number of the English translation.

Two important examples of Western uses of Buddhist ideas are Schumacher
[1973] and Kolm 1982]. Unfortunately, neither author focuses on issues of
the economic system: Kolm deals with more general economic problems and
Schumacher expounds his notion of an ideal economy with only very general
references to Buddhist beliefs.

(n2.) In the Buddhist literature on economic problems considerable
references are made to two discourses of the Buddha (the "Mangala Sutta"
and the "Sigalovada Sutta"); however, both are rather vague and discursive.
Many references are also made to the practices of the "righteous rulers"
who are revered by the Buddhists; and several relevant parts of this
literature also receive attention below. For the most part, however,
Buddhist economics must be inferred from a close reading of the vast shelf
of canonical scriptures but since many of these have not been translated I
have relied more on secondary sources than I would have preferred. The only
writings of a Buddhist on the specific topic of Buddhist economics which I
could locate (de Silva, 1975) turned out to be a slim pamphlet consisting
primarily of a favorable commentary on E. F. Schumacher's "Buddhist
Economics," which appears to be becoming a favorite text among other
Buddhist writers as well. Some important aspects of Buddhist economics can
also be found in Buddhist tracts on ethics and politics.

(n3.) This sermon is variously called "Setting in Motion the Wheel of
Truth" or "The Foundation of the Kingdom of the Norm," and is found in
Sanyutta-Nikaya, LVI, Chapter 11.

(n4.) Buddhist beliefs about the interest rate are hard to pin down. A
number of commentators on Right Livelihood mention that usury is forbidden,
but seldom is any canonical text cited except Bodhi (1984), p. 65, who
mentions Sutta 117 of the Majjhima-Nikaya. At one point in this sermon to
monks the Buddha forbids "rapacity for gain upon gain" which apparently has
been translated by others as "usury." However, many of the Buddha's
earliest followers were bankers or traders, which suggests that the taking
of interest was not forbidden. Further, Kosambi (1%5, pp. 178, 182) notes
that several hundred years after the death of the Buddha, Buddhist
monasteries often lent part of their monetary wealth to merchants and
caravaneers to provide needed capital; presumably such loans yielded
considerable interest payments. In reading through the indices of some of
the most important books in the canon I have found no other instances where
the subject of usury is discussed, and it appears to be a practice which is
acceptable in certain circumstances, so long as it is carried out in a
proper manner (which I have not found specified); with the right motives;
and, I would interpolate, within some minimal deviation from the going
market rate.

(n5.) The ideal Buddhist lay person is described concisely in a short poem
found in the Anguttara-Nikaya (VIII, VI, 54) [5]:

From rising and taking action, arranging his matters with care,
He who is vigilant orders his living, guards and protects his
   wares,
With confident understanding, moral and willing to bear,
Free from the taint of the niggard, he clears a continuous road,
Leading to things that are excellent, things of the world beyond.
By one who is named the "Truth" there are declared eight things
To bring the understanding layman present joy
And joy in future worlds. For increased merit
Let him be generous, happy to make a gift.

I use the translation found in Saddhatissa; 1970], p. 148, rather than the
more awkward rendering by Hare (Anguttara-Nikaya, Vol. IV).

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                            Demography is Basic

THE TITLE ALONE, Demography as an Interdiscipline (New Brunswick
Transaction Publishers, 1989, paper $17.95) has appeal for the contributors
and readers of this Journal. In his Introduction to this collection of
papers,J. Mayone Stycos of Cornell University, notes

As a field with its own body of interrelated concepts, techniques,
journals, and professional associations, demography is clearly a
discipline. But by the nature of the subject matter and methods demography
is just as clearly an "interdiscipline," drawing heavily on biology and
sociology for the study of fertility; on economics and geography for
studies of migration, and on the health sciences for analyses of mortality.

In economics, ever since Malthus, there has been some concern with
population but data and understanding get out of date. Furthermore, the
press of an ever more technical and less cultural economics eliminates
concern with demographic information and understanding in economics
curricula. But there is a very practical need for knowledge and
understanding which Stycos's comment above indicates. Indeed, the point can
be extended to note simultaneity in the relationship of demographics to
peripheral subjects. I recall the comment of a friend and former advisor to
the government of an African (largely Moslem) nation who said the ruler was
willing to listen to their advice on all matters except population control.
His comment to them, as memory serves, was, "No! No! My people like to have
many children." It is the recognition of such sentiments that keeps a ruler
ruling!

A case where bad advice was given and, unfortunately, taken was provided by
the food price riots in Egypt which had followed some advice from
international agencies. Advice given without a depth of understanding of
history, culture and the social and political milieu may be incompetent
advice.

The stated summary of the first paper by Samuel H. Preston should whet some
appetites.

Four essentially independent conceptions of the population problem are
visible in current discussions. One is derived from macroeconomics, one
from microeconomics, one from the health sciences, and one from ethical
concerns about the just relation between man and nature After describing
these conceptions, this paper addresses the population problem principally
using the economic definitions. It cites five reasons why discussions of
the economic hazards posed by population growth have become markedly less
alarmist in the past decade. Failures of highly quantified input-output
models to account for human progress are emphasized. The paper presents
examples of how technical demography had shed light on the dimensions of
and solutions to the population problem and concludes with a brief
discussion of contemporary population problems in the U.S.

Preston includes a quotation from Kenneth Boulding, who could never be
accused of ignoring the relevant areas of human concern peripheral to
economics. It bears reproduction here.

The real world consists not of numbers but of shapes and sizes. It is
topological rather than quantitative. Quantification for the most part is a
prosthetic device of the human mind, though certainly a very useful one.
Anyone who thinks that numbers constitute the real world, however, is under
an illusion, and this is an illusion that is by no means uncommon.
("Science: Our Common Heritage." Science 207:831-836 at 833).

Needless to say many confusions and out-of-date conceptions will be removed
from the minds of the readers of these eight substantial contributions to
knowledge and understanding. (Passages quoted with permission of the
publisher).
FRANK C. GENOVESE

                      Clientelist Politics in Colombia

COLOMBIA is an old democracy with a constitution. It has also a well earned
reputation as one of the most violent nations in the world. Its drug
trafficking and the crimes that go with it are reported daily. This paradox
is discussed by Jorge Pablo Osterling in Democracy in Colombia: Clientelist
Politics & Guerrilla Warfare, (New Brunswick, NJ.: Transaction Books,
1989).

The history of clientelismo (a system of boss-client relationship that
manipulates elections and public sector jobs) which is rampant in Colombia
explains one of the difficulties in eradicating the drug traffickers who
wield economic power and political influence.
C.E.G.

~~~~~~~~

By FREDERIC L. PRYOR(*)

(*) [Frederic L. Pryor, Ph.D., is professor of economics at Swarthmore
College, Swarthmore, PA 19801.] This paper is one of a series reporting the
author's research on the influence of religion on economic and social
behavior. The article uses the Pali transliteration rather than the
Sanskrit; it is Theravada Buddhism, not the Mahayana, which is discussed in
it. Gratitude for useful comments is due to Steven 1. Piker, Robert Pryor,
Zora Pryor, Donald A. Swearer, and Larry Westphal.