.
p.250
The Diipava^msa or the Chroniole of the Island of
La^nkaa is the earliest known work of
Diipava^msa its kind. It puts together certain
well-known traditions handed down
among the Buddhists of Ceylon, sometimes in a clumsy
manner. Its diction is in places unintelligible, and
its narrative is dull and interrupted by repetitions.
Its authorship is unknown. The canonical model of
this work is to be traced in a number of verses in
the Parivaarapaa.tha of the Vinayapitaka. The
Diipava^msa is an authoritative work well-known in
Ceylon at the time of Buddhaghosa, and as a matter of
fact the great Pali commentator has copiously quoted
from it in the introductory portion of his commentary
on the Kathaavatthu. Dr. Oldenberg has cited and
translated the book into English. He says that the
Diipava^msa and the Mahaava^msa are in the main
nothing but two versions of the same substance both
being based on the historical introduction to the
great commentary of the Mahaavihaara. The Diipava^msa
follows step by step and almost word for word the
traces of the original. According to Oldenberg the
Diipava^msa cannot have been written before 302 A. D.
because its narrative extends till that year. If we
compare the language and the style in which the
Diipava^msa and the Mahaava^msa are written, it
leaves no doubt as to the priority of the former. The
Diipava^msa was so popular in Ceylon that King
Dhaatusena ordered it to be recited in public at an
annual festival held in honour of an image of Mahinda
in the 5th century A. D. (Vide the. Dipava^msa edited
by Oldenberg, Introduction, pp. 8-9). Dr. Geiger has
published a valuable treatise known as the
Diipava^msa and Mahaava^msa (1904)(1) An idea of its
contents can be gathered from the summary given
below.
_____________________________________________________
(1) Diipava^msa und Mahaava^msa und die
geschichtliche uberlieferung in Ceylon, Leipzig
1905. Translated into English by E. M
Coomsraswamy, Diipava^msa and Mahaava^msa,
Colombo, 1908.
p.251
The first chapter gives an account of Buddha's
first visit to the island of La^nkaa. Gotama obtained
perfect enlightenment at the foot of the Bodhi-tree.
He surveyed the whole world and perceived the island
of La^nkaa, a dwelling place fit for saints. He
foresaw that Mahinda, the son of the Indian King
A`soka, would go to the island and propogate the
Buddhist faith there. Accordingly he placed a divine
guard over the island. He visited La^nkaa and drove
the Yakkhas, inhabitants of the place, out of the
island.
Buddha visited the island for the second time
when the island was on the verge of being destroyed
by a terrific war which easued between the
mountain-serpents and the sea-serpents. The Lord
exhorted them to live in peace and all the serpents
took their refuge in him.
His third- visit to the island was in connection
with an invitation he got from the Naaga King
Ma.niakkhika of Kalyaa.nii.
The Diipava^msa then traces Buddha's descent from
the Prince Mahaasammata, the first inaugurated king
of the earth. Gotama Buddha was the son of
Suddhodana, chief of Kapilavatthu and Raahulabhadda
was the son of Gotama. Mention is also made of many
other kings who reigned before Suddhodana and after
Mahaasammata.
A brief account of the first two Buddhist
Councils and the different Buddhist schools that
arose after tbe second council is also given. The
first council was held under the presidency of
Mahaakassapa and under the patronage of Ajatasattu.
The first collection of Dhamma and Vinaya was made
with the assistance of Upaali and AAnanda. The second
council was held during the reign of Kaalaasoka. The
Vajjiputtas proclaimed the ten indulgences which had
been forbidden by fhe Tathaagata. The Vajjiputtas
seceded from the orthodox party and were called the
Mahaasaa^mghikas. They were the first schismatios. In
imitation of them many heretics arose, e. g., the
Gokulikas, the Ekabbohaarikas, the Bahussutiyas, etc.
In all there were eighteen sects seventeen heretical
and one orthodox Besides these there were other minor
schools.
p.252
The Diipava^msa further deals with the reign of
the great Indian King Asoka, the grandson of
Candagutta and son of Bimbisaara, and the notable
events that took place in his time. It was during his
reign that Mahinda went to Ceylon and spread Buddhism
there with the help of the Ceylonese King
Devaana^mpiyatissa who was a contemporary of Asoka
the Great. It is said that this great king built
84,000 vihaaras all over the Jambudviipa. The third
Buddhist Council was held under the presidency of
Thera Moggaliputta Tissa and under the patronage of
Asoka. After the council was over the Thera sent
Buddhist missionaries to different countries
(Gandhaara, Mahisa, Aparantaka, Mahaara.t.tha, Yona,
Himavata, Suva.n.nabhuumi, and La^nkaa) for the
propagation of Buddha's religion.
The Diipava^msa gives a brief aocounf of the
colonization of Ceylon by Vijaya, son of the King of
Va^nga, and also a systematic account of kings of
Ceylon who ruled after Vijaya and their activities in
promoting the cause of Buddhism. Siihabaahu, King of
Va^nga, enraged at the bad conduct of Vijaya, his
eldest son, banished him from hie kingdom. Vijaya
with a number of followers went on board a ship and
sailed away on the sea. They in course of their
journey through the waters visited tbe sea-port towns
of Suppaaraka and Bharukaccha and later on came to
La^nkaadiipa. Vijaya and his followers set on
colonising thie country and built many cities. Vijaya
became the first crowned king of the island. After
Vijaya we find a long list of kings among whom
Devaana^mpiyatissa stands out pre-eminent.
It was during the reign of Devaana^mpiyatissa
that Buddhism was first introduced into La^nkaa
through Mahinda who at the instance of Thera
Moggaliputta Tissa, the President of the Third
Council, went to Ceylon for the propagation of fbe
Buddhist faith there. It may be noted here that the
great Indian King Asoka was a contemporary of
Devaana^mpiyatissa and that they were in friendly
terms. Asoka sent a branch of the Bodhi-tree of fhe
Tathaagata to La^nkaa which was planted with great
honour at Anuraadhapura.
After the death of Devaana^mpiyatissa Buddhism
was not in a flourishing condition. The immediate
successors of the king
p.253
were weak. The Damilas came over to La^nkaa from
Southern India and occupied the country. The people
were tired of the foreign yoke. They found in
Du.t.thagaama.nii, a prince of the royal family, who
could liberate the country from the foreign
domination. Du.t.thagaama.nii at the head of a huge
army drove the Dami.las out of the country. He was
the greatest of the Sinhalese kings. Whether as a
warrior or a ruler, Du.t.thagaama.ni appears equally
great. He espoused the cause of Buddhism and built
the Lohapaasaada, nine storeys in height, the
Mahaathuupa, and many other vihaaras. Indeed Buddhism
was in its most flourishing condition during the
reign of this great king.
Du.t.thagaama.nii was followed by a number of
kings, among them Va.t.tagaama.nii was the greatest.
His reign is highly important for the history of
Buddhist literature. If was during his reign that the
bhikkhus recorded in written books the text of the
three Pi.takas and also the A.t.thakathaa,
Va.t.tagaama.nii was also succeeded by a number of
important kings. The account of the kings of Ceylon
is brought down to the reign of king Mahaasena who
reigned for 27 years from circa 325 to 352 A. D.
At the close of the 4th century A. D. there
existed in Ceylon, an older work, a
Mahaava^msa sort of chronicle of the history of
-its sources the island from very early times.The
work was a part of the A.t.thakathaa
which was composed in old Sinhalese prose mingled
with Pali verses. The work existed in the different
monasteries of Ceylon and on it, the Mahaava^msa is
based. The chronicle must have original.ly come down
to the arrival of Mahinda in Ceylon; but it was later
carried down to the reign of Mahaasena (4th century
A. D. )with whose reign the Mahaava^msa comes to an
end. Of this work, the Diipava^msa presents the first
clumsy redaction in Pali verses. The Mahaava^msa is
thus a conscious and intentional rearrangement of the
Diipava^msa as a sort of commentary on the latter.
Author The author of the Mahaava^msa is known as
Mahaanaaman.
A well-known passage of the Cuu.lava^msa alludes
to the fact that King Dhaatusena
Date bestowed a thousand pieces of gold
and gave orders to write a
p.254
diipikaa on the Diipava^msa. This diipikaa has been
identified by Fleet with the Mahaava^msa; and if this
identification be correct, then the date of its,
origin is more precisely fixed. Dhaatusena reigned at
the beginning of the 6th century A. D., and about
this time the Mahaava^msa was composed.
The historicity of the work is established by the
following facts : -- Historicity of the work
(a) As to the list of kings before Asoka, namely
the nine Nandas, Candagutta and Bimbisaara, the
statements concerning Bimbisaara and Ajaatasattu as
contemporaries of the Buddha agrees with canonical
writings, and in respect of the names, with those of
the Brahmanic tradition. In the number of years of
Candagutta's reign, the Ceylonese tradition agrees
with the Candagutta's councillor Caa.naka (Caa.nakya)
is also known.
(b) The conversion of Ceylon, according to the
Chronicles, was the work of Mahinda, son of Asoka,
and this is confirmed to a considerable extent by the
fact that Asoka twice in his inscriptions (Rock
Edicts XIII & II) mentions Ceylon to be one of the
countries where he sent his religious missionaries,
and provided for distribution of medicines. It
receives further support from Hiuen Tsang who
mentions Mahendra, a brother of Asoka, expressly as
the man by whom the true doctrine was preached in
Sinhala. Even before Mahinda, relations existed
between India and Ceylon, for the chronicles relate
that Asoka sent to Devaana^mpiyatissa presents for
his sacred consecration as the king of Ceylon.
(c) An inscription from a relic-casket from Tope
No. 2 of the Saa~nci group gives us the name of
Sapurisasa Mogaliputasa who, according to the
tradition, presided over the third Council under
Asoka's rule. There is no doubt that he is identical
with Moggalliputta Tissa of the Ceylonese Chronicles.
(d) The narrative of the transplanting of a
branch of the sacred Bodhi-tree from Uruvelaa to
Ceylon finds interesting confirmation in a
representation of the story on the reliefs of the
lower and middle architrave of the East gate of the
Saa~nci stuupa.
p.255
(e) The contemporaneity of Devaana^mpiyatissa
with Asoka is established on the internal evidence of
the Diipava^msa, and the Mahaava^msa, as well as by
archaeological evidence, Another contemporaneity of
King:Mahaavarman reigning from C. 352-379 A. D. with
Samudragupta is established by the Chinese account of
Wang Hientse.
(f) There is a general historical reminiscence
underlying the stories of three Buddhist Councils
recorded in the Chronicles.
But the historical statements are not always
infallible; and the longer the interval between the
time of the events and the time when they are
related, the greater the possibility of an error, and
the more will be the influence of legend noticeable.
As regards the period from Vijaya to
Devaana^mpiyatissa, there is a considerable distrust
of tradition and traditional chronology. Also during
the period from Devaana^mpiyatissa to
Du.t.thagaama.nii there is matter for doubt. But in
the later periods we encounter no such difficulties
and impossibilities. The chronology is credible, the
numbers appear less artificial, and the accounts more
trustworthy.
In the ninth month after Buddhahood, when the
Lord Buddha was dwelling at Uruvelaa,
Text--the he one day personally went to La^nkaa
visit of the and converted aand converted a large
Tathaagata assembly or Yakkhas as well as a
large number of other living beings.
After this, he came back to Uruvelaa but, again in
the fifth year of his Buddhahood when he was residing
in the Jetavana, he, in an early morning out of
compassion for the Naagas went to the Naagadiipa
(apparently the north-western part of Ceylon )where
he preached the five moral precepts and established
the three refuges and converted many Naagas. The Lord
then came back to Jetavana, but, again, in the eighth
year of his Buddhahood the Teacher, while dwelling in
the Jetavana, went to Kalyaa.nii and preached the
Dhamma, and then came back to Jetavana.
The Chapter II gives a long list of kings
beginning with Mahaasammata from
The Race of whose race sprang the Great Sage, the
Mahaasammata Tathaagata. Descendants of this race
of kings ruled in Kusaavatii, Raaja-
p.256
gaha and Mithilaa, and they reigned in groups in
their due order. One group whose chief was Okkaaka
ruled at Kapilavatthu and was known as the `Saakyas.
In this line was born Yasodharaa, a daughter of king
Jayasena, and she was married to Sakka A~njana. They
had two daughters, Maayaa and Pajaapatii, who were
both married to Suddhodana, a grandson of Jayasena
and son of Sihahanu. The son of Suddhodana and Maayaa
was the Lord Buddha whose consort was
Bhaddakaccaanaa, son was Raahula, great friend was
Bimbisaara, and another contemporary was Bimbisaara's
son, Ajaatasattu.
The first Buddhist Council' was convened three
months after the parinirvaa.na of the
The Three Buddha (at Ku`siinaaraa) in the
Buddhist Sattapa.n.ni Cave at Raajagaha where
Councils his nearest disciples followed by
seven hundred thousand Bhikkhus and a
large number of lay men assembled to establish the
most important rules of the Order as, according to
their recollection, the Master himself had laid down.
The work of the compilation was entrusted to Thera
AAnanda and Thera Upaali. Thera Upaali spoke for the
Vinaya, and Thera,AAnanda for the rest of the dhamma
i and Thera Mahaakassapa seated on the Thera's chair
asked questions touching the Vinaya. Both of them
expounded them in detail and the Theras repeated what
they had said, The work of the First Council took
seven months to be completed, and the Council rose
after it had finished compilation of the Dhamma, and
the canon came to be known as Thera Tradition.
A century after the parinibbaana of the Buddha
when Kaalaasoka was the reigning king, there were at
Vai`saali many Bhikkhus of the Vajji clan who used to
preach the ten points of Buddhism. But the Theras of
Paavaa and Avantii with their leader, the great Thera
Revata, declared that these ten points were unlawful,
and wanted to bring the dispute to a peaceful end.
All of them followed by a large number of Bhikkhus
then went to Vai`saali and there met the Bhikkhus of
the Vajji clan. Kaalaasoka too
_____________________________________________________
(1) Prof. Przyluski's Le Concile de Raajagrrha, pt.
I, pp. 8, 30, 66 and 116 should be consulted.
Read also Buddhist Councils by Dr. P. C. Majumdar
published in the Buddhistic Studies, Edited by
Dr. B. C. Law.
p.257
went there, and, hearing both sides, decided in
favour of the true faith, held out by the Theras of
Paavaa and Avantii. The brotherhood then came
together finally to decide, and Revata resolved to
settle the matter by an Ubbaahikaa wherein four from
each of the two parties were represented. Thera
Revata, in order to hold a council, chose also seven
hundred out of all that troop of Bhikkhus, and all of
them met in the Vaalikaaraama and compiled the Dhamma
in eight months. The heretical Bhikkhus who taught
the wrong doctrine founded another school which came
to bear the name Mahaasaa^nghika.
The Third Council was held under better
circumstances during the reign of King Asoka at the
Asokaaraama in Paa.taliputta under the guidance and
presidentship of Thera Moggalliputta Tissa. Within
hundred years from the compilation of the doctrine in
the Second Council, there arose eighteen different
sects in the Buddhist Order with their respective
schools and systems, and another schism in the Church
was threatened. At this time, 218 years from the
parinibbaana of the Buddha, Asoka came to the throne,
and after a reign of four years, he consecrated
himself as king Paa.taliputta. And, not long after,
Saama.nera Nigrodha preached the doctrine to the
king, and confirmed him with many of his followers in
the refuges and precepts of duty. the King became
bountiful to the Bhikkhus and entered the doctrines.
From that time the revenue of the brotherhood was on
the increase but the heretics became envious, and
they too, taking the yellow robe and dwelling along
with the Bhikkhus, began to proclaim their own
doctrines as the doctrine of the Buddha, and carry
out their own practices even as they wished. They
became so unruly that King Asoka was obliged to
arrange an assembly of the community of Bhikkhus in
its full numbers at the splendid Asokaaraama under
the presidency of Thera Moggalliputta Tissa. Then did
the king question one by one on the teachings of the
Buddha. 'Ihe heretical Bhikkhus expounded their wrong
doctrine, upon which the king caused to be expelled
from the Order all such Bhikkhus and their followers.
Only the rightly believing Bhikkhus answered that the
Lord taught the Vibhajja-doctrine, and this was
supported and confirmed by Thera Moggalliputta Tissa.
Three thousand learned Bhikkhus were then
p.258
selected to make a compilation of the true doctrine
under the guidance of the great Thera, and they
completed their work at the Asokaaraama in nine
months.
Vijaya of evil conduct was the son and prince
regent of King Sihabaahu, ruler of
The coming and the kingdom of Laa.la; but he, was
con-secretion banished from the kingdom by his
of Vijaya and father for his many intolerable deeds
others of violence. Boarded on a ship with
his large number of followers with
their wives and children, Vijaya first landed at
Suppaaraka, but afterwards, embarking again landed in
La^nkaa in the region called Tambapa.n.ni, where he
eventually married and consecrate himself as king and
built cities. After his death, he was succeeded by
his brother's son Pa.n.duvaasudeva who married
Subhaddakaccaana and consecrated himself as king. He
was in his turn succeeded by his son Abhaya who was
followed by Pa.n.dukaabhaya. Between Pa.n.dukaabhaya
and Abhaya, there was no king or 17 years.
Pa.n.dukaabhaya's son Mutasiva followed his
father and was Devaana^mpiyatissa
Devaana^mpiyatissa succeeded by his second son whose
friend was Dhammaasoka whom he had
never seen, but to whom he was pleased to send a
princeless treasure as a gift. Dhammaasoka
appreciated the gift, and sent as a return-gift
another treasure to Devaana^mpiyatissa who was now
consecrated as King of La^nkaa.
After the termination of the Third Council,
Moggalliputtatissa Thera, in order to establish the
religion in adjacent countries, sent out learned and
renowned missionaries to Kaa`smiir, Gandhaara,
Mahisama.n.dala, Vanavaasa, Aparaantaka,
Mshaara.t.tha, Suva.n.nabhuumii(Burma), and to the
Yona country. To the lovely island of La^nkaa, he
sent there Mahinda, the Theras I.t.thiya, Uttiya,
Sambala, and Bhaddasaala to preach the religion.
Mahinda, then a monk, came out to La^nkaa with
four Theres Sa^nghamittaa's son
Mahinda Sumana, the gifted Saama.nera. Even
on their landing many devas, naagas
and supa.n.nas were converted to the doctrine, and he
with his followers entered the capital city where
people thronged to see him, and he preached the true
faith ÿ
p.259
to them. The wise king Devaana^mpiyatissa heard him
explain some of the miracles and teachings and
episodes of the life of the Buddha, and became one of
his most devoted patrons. The king then built for the
great Thera the Mahaavihaara, henceforth known as the
Mahaameghavanaaraama which the Thera accepted. Next
the king built for him and his followers, another
vihaara on the Cetiyapabbata, henceforth known as the
Cetiya pabbata-vihaara, which too the Thera accepted.
The wise king then became eager to enshrine one of
the relies of the Great Lord the Buddha in a stuupa,
so that he and the followers of the faith might
behold the Conqueror in his relies and worship him.
Upon his request Mahinda sent Sumana to King
Dhammaasoka with the instruction to bring from him
the relies of the Sage and the alms-bowl of the
Master, and then to go to Sakka in the fair city of
the gods to bring the collar-bone of the Master from
him. Sumana faithfully carried out the instruction,
and when he landed down on the Missaka mountain with
the relies, the king and the people were all filled
with joy, and thirty thousand of them received the
Pabbajjaa of the Conqueror's doctrine. Later on the
king sent his nephew and minister Ari.t.tha again to
Dhammaasoka to bring the Bodhi-Tree, which at
Dhammaasoka's approach, severed of itself and
transplanted itself in the vase provided for the
purpose. Ari.t.tha then came back on board a ship
across the ocean to the capital with the holy tree
and a gay rejoicing began. With the Bodhi-tree came
also Therl Sa^nghamittaa with eleven followers. The
Tree and its Saplings were planted with due ceremony
at different places, and royal consecration was
bestowed on them. Under the direction of the Thera
Mahinda who converted the island. Devaana^mpiyatissa
continued to build vihaaras and thuupas one after
another, and thus ruled for 40 years, after which he
died. He was succeeded on the throne by his son,
prince Uttiya; but in the eighth year of his reign,
the great Thera Mahinda, who had brought light to the
island of La^nkaa died at the age of sixty; and the
whole island was struck with sorrow at his death, and
the funeral rites were observed with great ceremony.
after a reign of ten years Uttiya died, and was
followed by Mahaasiiva, Suuratissa, two Dami.las,
Sena and Guttaka, Asela and
p.260
E.laara, a Dami.la from the Cola country, in
succession. E.lara was killed by Du.t.thagaama.nii
who succeeded the former as King.
Gaama.ni, for such was his original name, was
born of prince Kaakava.n.natissa, overlord of
Mahaagaama, and Vihaaradevi, daughter of the King of
Kalyaa.ni. Gaama.ni was thus descended through the
the dynasty of Mahaanaaga, second brother of
Devaana^mpiyatissa. Kaakava.n.natissa had another son
by Vihaaradevi named Tissa, and both Gama.ni and
Tissa grew up together. Now when they were ten and
twelve years old, Kaakava.n.natissa who was a
believing Buddhist, wanted his sons to make three
promises; first, they would never turn away from the
Bhikkhus, secondly, the two brothers would ever be
friendly towards each other, and, thirdly, never
would they fight the Dami.las. The two brothers made
the first two promises but turned back to make the
third, upon which their father became sorry. Gaama.ni
gradually grew up to sixteen years, vigorous,
renowned, intelligent, majestic and mighty. He
gathered round him mighty and great warriors from far
and near villages, as well as from the royal and
noble families. Gaama.ni developed a strong hatred
towards the Dami.las who had more than once usurped
the throne of La^nkaa, and became determined to quell
them down. Now he had gathered a strong army of brave
and sturdy warriors round him, he approached his
father for permission to make war on the Dami.las.
But the king, though repeatedlg requested, declined
to give any such permission. As a pious Buddhist
devoted to the cult of ahi^msaa, he could not give
permission for war that would result in bloodshed and
cruelty. He also dissuaded the warriors to fight for
his sons. Gaama.ni, thereupon, became disgusted with
his father. and went to Malaya; and because of his
anger and disgust towards his father, he was named as
Du.t.thagaama.nii. In the meantime King
Kaakava.n.natissa died, and there arose a deadly
scramble for the throne between the two brothers,
Du.t.thagaama.nii and Tissa. Two battles were fought
with considerable loss of life, and Du.t.thagaama.ni
eventually became victorious. Peace was then
concluded and the two brothers began to live together
again. He took some time to provide for his people
who had suffered during the last wars and then went
out to fight against the Dami.las. He overpowered
Dami.la Chattaa, conquered Dami.la Titthamba and many
p.261
other mighty Dami.la princes and kings. Deadly were
the wars that he fought with them, but eventually he
came out victorious and united the whole of La^nkaa
into one kingdom. Gaama.ni was then consecrated with
great pomp, and not long after he himself consecrated
Maricava.t.ti vihaara which he had built up. Next
took place the consecration of the Lohapaasaada, but
the building up of the Great Thuupa was now to be
taken up. He took some time to the obtaining of the
wherewithal, i. e., the materials of the thuupa from
different quarters, and then began the work in which
masons and workmen from far and near did take part
and at the beginning of which a great assemblage of
Theras from different countries took place. When the
work of the building had considerably advanced, the
king ordered the making of the Relicchamber in which
the relies were afterwards enshrined with due eclat,
pomp, and ceremony. But are yet the making of the
chatta and the plaster work of the monument was
finished, the king fell ill which later on proved
fatal. He sent his younger brother Tissa, and asked
him to complete the thuupa, which Tissa did. The ill
king passed round the Cetiya on a pelanquin and did
homage to it, and left with Tissa the charge of doing
all the work that still remained to be done towards
it. He then enumerated some of the pious works he had
done in his life to the Theras and Bhikkhus assembled
round his bed, and one of the Theras spoke to him on
the unconquerable foe of death. Then the king became
silent, and he saw a golden chariot came down from
the Tusita heaven. Then he breathed his last, and was
immediately seen reborn and standing in celestial
form in a car that had come down from the Tusita
heaven.
Du.t.thagaama.ni was succeeded by his brother
Saddhaa Tissa who ruled for 18 years,
A Long Line of and built many cetiyas and vihaaras.
Kings--Ten king He was followed by Thuulathana,
La~njatissa, 'Khallaa.tanaaga and
Va.t.tagaama.ni. The last named was famous king
during whose reign the Dami.las became powerful and
again usurped the throne. Va.t.tagaama.ni was thus
followed by Dami.la Pu.lahattha, Dami.la Baahiya,
Demi.la Panayamaaraka, Demi.la Pi.layamaaraka and
Dami.la Daa.thika. But the Damilas
p.262
were dispossessed of their power not long after by
Va.t.tagaama.ni, who now ruled for a few more years.
After his death, his adopted son Mahaacuu.li
Mahaatissa reigned for 14 years with
Eleven kings piety and justice. He was followed
by Coranaaga, Tissa, Siva, Dami.la
Va.tuka, Brahman Niliya, Queen Anulaa, Kuu.taka.n.na
Tissa, Bhaatikaabhaya, and Mahaadaa.thika
Mehaanaaga.(1) All of them had short reigns and were
builders of vihaaras and cetiyas. Anulaa was a
notorious queen and to her love intrigues at least
four kings, Siva, Tissa, Dami.la Va.tuka and Brahman
Niliya, lost their lives. Except Tissa, they were all
upstarts and they rightly deserved the fate that had
been theirs.
After Mahaadaa.thika's death, AAma.n.dagaama.ni
Abhaya, his son, followed him on
Twelve kings the throne. He was followed by
Ka.nirajaanutissa, Cuu.laabhaya,
Queen Sivali, I.lanaaga, Candamukhasiva,
Yasalaalakatissa, Subharaaja, Va^nkanaasikatissaka,
Gajabaahukagaama.ni and Mahallaka Naaga in
succession. Most of these kings were worthless, and
their merit lay only in the building or extension of
vihaaras and other religious establishments and in
court-intrigues. Two of them, I.lanaaga and
Subharaaja were however comparatively more noted for
their acts of bravery and valour exhibited mostly in
local wars.
After the death of Mahallanaaga, his son
Bhaatikatissaka reigned for 24 years.
Thirteen kings He was followed in succession by
Kani.t.thatissaka, Kujjanaaga,
Ku~ncanaaga, Sirinaga Tissa(I) , Abhayanaaga,
Sirinaaga II, Vijayakumaaraka Sa^mghatissa,
Sirisa^mghabodhi, Go.thaabhaya and Je.t.thatissa who
are grouped together in a chapter entitled " Thirteen
Kings " in the Mahaava^msa. Scarcely there is
anything important enough to be recorded about these
kings, besides the fact that most of them ruled as
pious Buddhists always trying to further the cause of
the religion by the foundation and extension of
religious
_____________________________________________________
(1) In the list of ancient kings cf Ceylon the name
of Daarubhatikatissa appears after Demi.la
Va.tuka (Vide Geiger, Mahaava^ma, Introduction,
p. XXXVII)
p.263
establishments, and that they carried out the affairs
of the kingdom through ware, intrigues, rebellions
and local feuds.
The Je.t.thatissa was succeeded by his younger
brother, Mahaasena, who ruled for 27
King Mahaasene years and during whose reign, most
probably, the Mahaava^msa was given
its present form. Originally it ended with the death
of King Du.t.thagaama.ni, but now it was probably
brought up-to date.
On his accession to the throne, he forbade the
people to give food to any Bhikkhu dwelling in the
Mahaavihaara on penalty of a fine of hundred pieces
of money. The Bhikkhus thus fell in want, and they
left the vihaara which remained empty for nine years.
It was then destroyed by the ill-advisers of the king
and its riches were removed to enrich the
Abhayagiri-vihaara. The king wrought many a deed of
wrong upon which his minister Meghava.n.naabhaya
became angry and became a rebel. A battle was
imminent, but the two former friends met, and the
king, repentant of his misdeeds, promised to make
good all the harm done to the religious
establishments of La^nkaa. The king rebuilt the
Mahaavihaara, and founded amongst others two new
vihaaras, the Jetavanavihaara and the Ma.nihira
vihaara. He was also the builder of the famous
Thuupaaraama vihaara, as well as of two other
nunneries. He also excavated many tanks and did many
other works of merit.
Dr. Kern says in his Manual of Indian Buddhism
that the Mahaava^msa deserves a special notice on
account of its being so highly important for the
religious history of Ceylon. Dr. Geiger who has made
a thorough study of the Pali chronicles, has edited
the text of the Mahaava^msa for the P. T. S. London
and has ably translated it into English for the same
society, with the assistance of the late Dr. M. H.
Bode. G. Turnour's edition and translation of this
text are now out of date. Prof. Geiger has translated
it into German. Mrs. Bode has retranslated it into
English and Dr. Geiger himself has revised the
English translation. There is a commentary on the
Mahaava^msa known as the Mahaava^msatikaa
(Wa^msatthapakaasini revised and edited by
Ba.tuwantudawe and Naanissra, Colombo, 1895 ) written
by Mahaa-
p.264
naama of Anuraadhapura. This commentary is helpful in
reading the text. It contains many additional data
not found in the text, Readers are referred to the
Mahaawanse, ed. by Turnour, Ceylon, 1837, Mahaava^msa
revised and edited by H. Suma^ngala Ba.tuwantudawe,
Colombo, 1883, and Cambodjan Mahaava^msa by E. Hardy,
J. R. A. S. 1902. There is a Simhalese translation by
Wijasinha, Colombo, 1889 (chapter & verse ).
It has long been ascertained that both the
Diipava^msa and the Mahaava^msa owe
Dipava^msa and their origin to a common source- the
Mahaava^msa A.t.thakathaa-Mahaava^msa of the
compared Mahaavihaara monastery, which,
evidently was a sort of chronicle
of the history of the island from very early times,
and must have formed an introductory part of the old
theological commentary (A.t.thakathaa) on the
canonical writings of the Buddhists. Both Oldenberg
and Geiger, the celebrated editors of the Diipava^msa
and the Mahaava^msa respectively, are of opinion that
this A.t.thakathaa-Mahaava^msa was composed in
Simhalese prose, interspersed, no doubt with verse in
the Pali language. This book (
Mahaava^msa-A.t.thakathaa ) existed in various
recensions in the different monasteries of the
island, and the author of both the Dipava^msa and the
Mahaava^msa borrowed the materials of their works
from one or other of the various recensions of that
A.t.thakathaa. This borrowing presumably was
independent, and quite in their own way; but even
then, in the main, they are nothing but two different
versions of the same thing. But as the Diipava^msa
had been composed at least one century and a half
earlier than the Mahaava^msa, it shows perhaps more
faithfulness to the original, i. e., to the
A.t.thakathaa, for, as Oldenberg points out, that the
"author of the Diipava^msa borrowed not only the
materials of his own work, but also the mode of
expression, and even whole lines, word for word, from
the A.t.thakathaa. In fact, a great part of the
Diipava^msa has the appearance not of an independent,
continual work, but of a composition of such single
stanzas extracted from a work or works like the
A.t.thakathaa".(1) But the author of the Mahaava^msa
is not so fettered in his style or execution. Coming
as he did at least one
_____________________________________________________
(1) Diipava^msa (Oldenberg ), Introduction, p. 6.
p.265
century and a half later (i. e., the beginning of the
6th century A. D. )than the author of the Diipava^msa
when the islanders had attained much more freedom in
their learning and writing of the Pali language, he
evidently showed greater ease and skill in his use of
the language, as well as in his style and
composition, and finally, a more free and liberal use
of the material of his original.
It is well-known that Mahaanaama was the author
of the Mahaava^msa, whereas we are completely in the
dark as to the authorship of the Diipava^msa. A
further proof of the fact that both the authors were
indebted to a common source is provided by a very
striking coincidence of the two narratives, namely,
that both the chronicles finish their accounts with
the death of King Mahaasena who flourished about the
beginning of the 4th century A. D. It was not much
later that the Diipava^msa was composed, but as the
Mahaava^msa was composed still later, we might as
well expect the bringing down of the narrative to a
later date. But this was not the case, apparently for
the fact that their common source, the
A.t.thakathaa-Mahaava^msa of the Mahaavihaara
monastery, as shown by Oldenberg, was very intimately
connected with King Mahaasena with whose reign the
glorious destinies of the monastery came practically
to an end, and there the A.t.thakathaa could only
logically stop its account(1).
But the historical writers of the Mahaavihaara
fraternity did not at once bring down their account
to the reign of Mahaasena. The A.t.thakathaa
Mahaava^msa seems to have originally brought down its
account only to the arrival of Mahinda in Ceylon; but
it was later on continued and brought down to the
reign of Mahaasena, whets both the Diipava^msa and
the Mahaava^msa as already noticed came to an end.
That the Diipava^msa was well-known to the author
of the Mahaava^msa is evident from the very
arrangement of the chapters and events of the
narrative, so much so that the Mahaava^msa seems to
be more an explanatory commentary on the earlier
chronicle. The account in the Diipava^msa is
condensed, and the sequence of events End characters
presents the form more of a list and ceta-
_____________________________________________________
(1) Diipava^msa ( Old'n`erg ), Introduction, p. 8.
p.266
logue than of any connected account. The Mahaava^msa,
on the other hand, is elaborate, more embellished,
and seems rather to, explain the catalogue of events
and characters of the earlier chronicle so as to give
it the form of a connected narrative. Geiger rightly
thinks in this connection that " the quotation of the
Mahaava^msa refers precisely to the Diipava^msa."(1)
The wellknown passage of the Cuu.lava^msa (38.59),
'Datvaa sahassa^m diipetu^m Diipava^msa^m samaadisi'
which Fleet translates as 'he (King Dhaatusena)
bestowed a thousand (pieces of gold) and gave. orders
to write a diipikaa on the Diipava^msa, also lends
support to this view(2), for this diipikaa, Fleet
says, is identical with Mahaava^msa.
It is interesting to compare the more important
chapters of the two chronicles to see how their
subject matters agree or differ. We have already
indicated that their contents are almost identical;
in the Diipava^msa they are condensed, and in the
Mahaava^msa elaborate. after an identical account of
the race of Mahaasammata, both the earlier and later
chronicles proceed to give a more or less detailed
account of the three Buddhist Councils. The account
of the First Council is almost the same. Five hundred
chosen Bhikkhus assembled under the leadership of
Mahaakassapa in the Sattapa.n.na cave at Raajagaha
and composed the collection of the Dhamma and the
Vinaya. The Diipava^msa mentions the fourth month
after the Master's death as the time at which the
first council was held. This was the second
Vasss-month, i.e., Saava.na. This date is
substantially confirmed by that provided by the
Mahaava^msa which mentions the bright half of
AAsaa.da, the fourth month of the year as the
beginning of the Council. But as the first month was
spent in preparations, the actual proceedings did not
begin till the month of Saava.na. The account of the
Second Council too is substantially the same. It was
brought about by the dasa-vatthuuni of the Vajjians
of Vesaali, a relaxation of monastic discipline; and
700 Bhikkhus took part in the discussion of the
Council. It was held in the 11th year of the reign of
Kaalaasoka; there is, however, a slight discrepancy
about the
_____________________________________________________
(1) Mahaava^msa, (Geiger ), Intro. p. XI.
(2) Mahaava^msa, (Geiger), Intro. p. XI -- where
Geiger quotes Fleet.
p.267
locality where the Council was held. The Mahaava^msa
mentions Vaalikaaraama, whereas the Diipava^msa
mentions the Kuu.taagaarasaalaa of the Mahaavana
monastery as the place of the Council. The tradition
of the schism in the second Council is also identical
in the two chronicles. The Diipava^msa states that
the heretical monks held a separate Council called
the Mahaasa^mgiiti, and prepared a different
redaction of the Scriptures. The tradition is also
noticed in the Mahaava^msa where it is related that
they formed a separate sect under the name
Mahaasaa^mghika. The account of the Third Council is
identical. It was held at Paa.taliputta under the
presidency of Tissa Moggaliputta and lasted for nine
months.
The list of Indian' Kings before Asoka and pieces
of historical account connected with them, the
traditional date of the Buddha's parinirvaa.na, and
the duration of reigns of individual Indian kings are
always almost identical in both the chronicles. The
story of the conversion of Ceylon, that the coming of
Vijaya end his consecration, the list and account of
Ceylonese Kings up to Devaana^mpiyatissa and that of
the latter's contemporaneity with king Dhammasoka are
for all practical purposes the same. But before the
two chronicles take up the account of Mahinda's
coming to Ceylon, the Mahaava^msa inserts a somewhat
elaborate account of the conversion of different
countries under the efficient missionary organisation
of Moggaliputta There. The Mahaava^msa thus rightly
stresses the fact that it was a part of the religious
policy of the great There that Mahinda came to
Ceylon. Here again the accounts of the Diipava^msa
and the Mahaava^msa are identical; then follow the
identical accounts of Mahinda's entry into the
capital, his acceptance of the Mahaavihaara and that
of the Cetiyapabbat vihaara, the arrival of the
relies, the receiving and coming of the Bodhi Tree,
and the Nibbaana of the Thera Mahinda. From Vijaya to
Devaana^mpiyatissa the tradition and traditional
chronology are almost identical; there is only a
discrepancy about the date of Devaana^mpiyatissa
himself The earlier chroricle states that king
Devaana^mpiyatissa was consecrated king in the 237th
year after the Buddha's death, whereas the
Mahaava^msa places it on the first day of the bright
half of the ninth
p.268
month, Maggasira (Oct.-Nov. ), showing a discrepancy
involved probably in the chronological arrangement
itself.(1)
The account of the kings from the death of
Devaana^mpiyatissa to Du.t.thagaama.nii is also
identical in the two chronicles. But the Mahaava^msa
is much more detailed and elaborate in its account of
King Du.t.thagaama.nl giving as it does in separate
chapters the topics of the birth of prince Gaamani,
the levying of the warriors for the war of the two
brothers Gaama.ni and Tissa, the victory of
Du.t.thagama.nii, the consecrating of the
Maricava.t.ti vihaara, the consecrating of the
Lohapaasaada, the obtaining of the wherewithal to
build the Mahaathuupa, the beginning of the
Mahathuupa, the making of the relic-chamber for
Mahaathuupa, the enshrining of the relies and finally
his death: whereas the Diipa va^msa touches and that
also in brief, the two accounts only in their main
outline.
The list and account of the later Kings from
Du.t.thagaama.nii to Mahaasena in the Diipava^msa are
very brief. In the Mahaava^msa, however, though the
essential points and topics are the same, the
accounts differ considerably in their detail which
may be due to the more liberal use by the author of
the original as well as of other historical and
traditional sources than the A.t.thakathaaMahaava^msa
He might have also used those indigenous historical
literature and tradition that might have grown up
after the author of the Diipava^msa had laid aside
his pen. This is apparent from a comparison of the
respective accounts of any individual king, say, the
last King Mahaasena. Thus the Diipava^msa relates
that while he was in search of really good and modest
Bhikkhus, he met some wicked Bhikkhus; and knowing
them not he asked them the sense of Buddhism and the
true doctrine. Those Bhikkhus, for their own
advantage, taught him that the true doctrine was a
false doctrine. In consequence of his intercourse
with those wicked persons, he performed evil as well
as good deeds, and then died. The Mahaava^msa account
is otherwise. It gives the story of his consecration
by Sa^nghamittaa, the account of the vicissitudes of
the Mahaavihaara, how it was left desolate for nine
years, how a hostile party succeeded in obtaining the
king's
_____________________________________________________
(1) See Mahaava^msa, (Geiger ), Intro. pp. xxxi foll.
p.269
sanction for destroying the monastery, why for this
fault of the king the minister became a rebel, how
the Mahaavihaara was reconstructed and came to be
again inhabited by Bhikkhus, how an offence of the
gravest kind was made against Thera Tissa and how he
was expelled, how the King built the
Ma.nihira-vihaara destroying the temples of some
Brahmanical gods, and how he built many other
aaraamas and vihaaras, and a number of tanks and
canals for the good of his subjects.
One such instance as just noticed is sufficient
to explain the nature of the difference in the
accounts of individual kings as given in the two
chronicles. The duration of ruling years as given to
individual kings is in most cases identical; there
are only a few discrepancies, e. g., with regard to
the reigns of Sena and Gutta, Lajjitissa(the
Mahaava^msa gives the name as La~njatissa ), Niliya,
Tissa Yasalaala, Abhaya and Tissa In the case of Sena
and Gutta, the Diipava^msa gives the duration of rule
as 12 years, whereas the Mahaavam^sa gives it as 22
years. The Diipava^msa gives 9 years 6 months to
Lajjitisea, whereas the later chronicle gives 9 years
8 months. Niliya is given 3 months in the earlier
chronicle, but in later chronicle he is given 6
months. Tissa Yasalaala is given 8 years? months and
7 years 8 months respectively; and the order of the
rule of Abhaya and Tissa of the Diipava^msa is
transposed in the Mahaava^msa as Tissa and Abhaya,
and Abhaya is given only 8 sears in place of 22 as
given by the Diipava^msa.
In the early days of the study of the Ceylonese
Chronicles, scholars were sceptical
The Value of about their value as sources of
the Ceylonese authentic historical tradition and
Chronicles information. But now after lapse of
years when the study Of Indian and
Ceylonese history has far advanced, it is now
comparatively easy for us to estimate their real
value.
Like all chronicles, the Diipava^msa and the
Mahaava^msa contain germs of historical truth buried
deep under a mesh of absurd fables and marvellous
tales. But if they do contain mainly myths and
marvels and read more like fantasies, they are like
other chronicles of their time. This, however, should
not be used as any argument for completely rejecting
the chronicles as positively
p.270
false and untrustworthy. It is, however, important
that one should read them with a critical eye as all
records of popular and ecclesiastical tradition
deserve to be read. Buried in the illumination of
myths, miracles and legends there are indeed germs
which go to make up facts of history, but they can
only be gleaned by a very careful elimination of all
mythical and unessential details which the pious
sentiment of the believer gathered round the nucleus.
" If we pause, " Geiger rightly says, " first at
internal evidence then the Ceylonese chronicles will
assurdely at once win approval in that they at least
wished to write the truth. Certainly the writers
could not go beyond the ideas determined by their age
and their social position, and beheld the events of a
past time in the mirror of a one-sided tradition. But
they certainly did not intend to deceive hearers or
readers"(1)
The very fact that both the Diipava^msa and the
Mahaava^msa are based on the earlier
A.t.tha-kathaa-Mahaava^msa, a sort of a chronicle
which itself was based upon still earlier chronicles,
ensures us in our belief that they contain real
historical facts, for, with the A.t.thakathaa, the
tradition goes back several centuries, and becomes
almost contemporary with the historical incidents
narrated in the chronicle.
Even in the very introductory chapters, there are
statements which agree with other canonical writings,
and find confirmation in our already known facts of
history. Such are the statements that Bimbisaara was
a great friend of Buddha, and both Bimbisaara and
Ajaatasattu were contemporaries of the Master. There
does not seem to be any ground for rejecting the
tradition of the chronicles that Gotama was five
years older than Bimbisaara, though the duration of
the rule ascribed to each of them disagrees with that
ascribed by the Puraa.nas. But whatever that might
be, there can hardly be any doubt as to the
authenticity of the list of Indian kings from
Bimbisaara to Asoka provided by the chronicles. The
Jain tradition has, no doubt, other names; " this "
as pointed out by Geiger, " does not affect the
actual agreement. There can be no doubt that the nine
Nandas as well as the two forerunners
_____________________________________________________
(1) Mahaava^msa (Geiger), Intro., p. XV.
p.271
of Asoka, Candagutta and Bindusaara, were altogether
historical personages." But more than this is the
complete agreement of the Ceylonese and Pauraa.nic
tradition in the duration of reign, namely 24
ascribed to Candagutta. The discrepancy of the two
traditions in respect of regnal duration of
Bindusaara and Asoka, namely 3 years and 1 year
respectively, is almost negligible. Still more
interesting is the name Canakka (Caa.nakya) the
Brahman Minister of Candagutta, who was known to the
authors of the Diipava^msa and Mahaava^msa.
So much with regard to the historical value of
the Ceylonese chronicles In respect of Indian
history. But more valuable are the chronicles with
regard to the history of Ceylon. As regards the
oldest period from Vijaya to Devaana^mpiyatissa the
chronicles are certainly untrustworthy to the extent
that the duration of years ascribed to each reign
seems increditable in view of the fact that they
appear to be calculated according to a set scheme,
and present certain insuperable difficulties of
chronology with regard to one or two reigns, a. g.,
of King Pa.n.dukaabhaya and Mu.tasiva. Moreover, the
day Of Vijaya's arrival in Ceylon has been made to
synchronise with the date of Buddha's death, which
itself is liable to create a distrust in our mind.
But even in the first and the earliest period of
Ceylonese history, there are certain elements of
truth which can hardly be questioned. Thus there is
no ground for doubting the authenticity of the list
of kings from Vijaya to Devaana^mpiyatissa; nor is
there any reason for rejecting the account of
Pa.n.dukaabhaya's campaigns, as well as the detailed
account of the reign of Devaana^mpiyatissa, which
seem decidedly to be historical. We have also
suffcient reason to believe the contemporaneity and
friendship of Tissa and Asoka who exchanged greetings
of gifts between themselves.
As for the period from Devaana^mpiyatissa to
Mahaasene, the chronicles may safely but
intelligently be utilised as of value. There are no
doubt gaps in the traditional chronology which have
been carelessly filled in, notably in the period from
Devaaampiyatisss to Du.t.thagaama.nii but after
Du.t.thagaama.nii there is no such careless and
fictitious filling ill of gaps, nor any set up system
of chronology, and on the whole the list of kings
p.272
and their duration of reigns are creditable. But even
where the chronology is doubtful, there is no ground
whatsoever for doubting the kernel of historical
truth that lies mixed up with mythical tales in
respect of the account of each individual reign, say,
for example, of the reign of Du.t.thagaama.nii. It
may, therefore, be safely asserted that the Ceylonese
chronicles can be utilised, if not as an independent
historical source, at least as a repository of
historical tradition in which we can find important
confirmatory evidence of our information with regard
to early Indian and contemporary Ceylonese history.
But the Chronicles must be considered to be of
more value for the ecclesiastical history not only of
Ceylon but of India as well. With regard to this
there are certain notices in the Chronicles that have
help ] us to start with almost definite chronological
points which are equally important in respect of the
political history of the continent and its island.
One such fixed point is provided by the Chronicles
where it has been stated that 218 years after the
Sambuddha had passed into Nirvaa.na when Asoka was
consecrated. This corner stone has helped us to
ascertain one of the most knotty and at the same time
most useful starting point of Indian history, namely,
the year of the Buddha's parinirvaa.na and his birth,
which, according to the calculation based on the date
just cited are 483 B.C. and 563 B. C.
respectively.(1)
Next in point of importance with regard to the
history of Buddhism is the conversion of the island
by Mahinda, who is represented in the Chronicles as a
son of Asoka Historians have doubted the tradition in
view of the fact that there is no mention of it in
the numerous edicts and inscriptions of Asoka. Geiger
has very ably shown that this argument is at least an
argumentum e silentio and can hardly be conclusive.
The tradition of the Chronicles is unanimously
supported by the tradition of the country itself, and
finds further comfirmation in the account of Yuan
Chwang who expressly states that the conversion of
Ceylon was the work of Mahendra ori Mahinda, who is,
however, represented as a.brother of Asoka But it
must not be understood that Ceylon was converted all
on a sudden by Mahendra or Mahinda.
_____________________________________________________
(1) See Mahaava^msa (Geiger ) ; Sece5; and 6.
Introduction.
p.273
Similar mission must have been sent earlier; "a hint
that Mahinda's mission was preceded by similar
missions to Ceylon is to be found even in Diipava^msa
and Mahaava^msa, when they relate that Asoka, sending
to Devaana^mpiyatissa, with presents for his second
consecration as king, exhorted him to adhere to the
doctrine of the Buddha."(1)
Geiger has also been able to find very striking
confirmation of the history of the religious missions
as related in the Chronicles in the
relic-inscriptions of the Saa~nci stuupa No.2(2) He
has thus pointed out that Majjhima who is named in
the Mahaava^msa as the teacher who converted the
Himalaya region and Kassapagotta who appears as his
companion in the Diipava^msa are also mentioned in
one of the inscriptions just referred to as 'pious
Majjhima ' and 'pious Kassapagotta, the teacher of
the Himalaya.' In another inscription also
Kassapagotta is mentioned as the teacher of the
Himalaya Dundubhissara who is also mentioned in the
Chronicles as one of the Theras who won the Himalaya
countries to Buddhism, is mentioned in another
inscription as Dadabhisaara along with Gotiputta (i.
e., Kotiputta Kassapagotta) . The Thera, i. e.,
Moggaliputta Tissa who is described in the Chronicles
as having presided over the Third Buddhist Council is
also mentioned in another inscription at Moggaliputta
These facts are guarantee enough for carefully
utilising the Chronicles as an important source of
information for the early history of Buddhism.
This would be far more evident when we would
consider the accounts of the three Buddhist Councils
as related in the two Chronicles. The authenticity of
the accounts of these Councils had during the early
days of the study of the two Chronicles often been
doubted. But it is simply impossible to doubt that
there must lie a kernel of historical truth at the
bottom of these accounts. As to the First Council,
both the northern and southern traditions agree as to
the place and occasion and the President of the
Council. As to the second Council,both, traditions
agree as to the occasion and cause of the first
schism in the
_____________________________________________________
(1) Mahaava^msa, (tr, )p. XIX.
(2) Ibid, pp XIX-XX.
p.274
Church, namely, the relaxation of monastic discipline
brought about by the Vajjian monks. As to the place
of the Council, the northern tradition is uncertain,
but the southern tradition is definite inasmuch as it
states that it was held in Vesaali under King
Kaalaasoka in 383/2 B. C. and led to the separation
of the Mehaasa^mghikas from Theravaada. The Ceylonese
tradition speaks of a Third Council at Paa.taliputra
in the year 247 B. C. under King Dharmaasoka which
led to the expulsion of certain disintegrating
elements from the community. The Northern tradition
has, however, no record of a Third Council, but that
is no reason why we should doubt its authenticity.
Geiger has successfully shown that the " distinction
between two separate Councils is in fact correct. The
Northern Buddhists have mistakenly fused the two into
one as they confounded the Kings, Kaalaasoka and
Dhammaasoka, one with another. But traces of the
right tradition are still preserved in the wavering
uncertain statements as to the time and piece of the
Council."(1)
The succession of teachers from Upaali to Mahinda
as provided by the Chronicles is also interesting
from the view point of the history of early Buddhism.
The succession list which includes Upaali, the great
authority on Vinaya at the time of the Buddha,
Daasaka, Sonaka, Siggava, Moggaliputta Tissa and
Mahinda, may not represent the whole truth, they even
might not all be Vinayapaamokkhaa, i. e,, authorities
on Vinaya; but the list presents at least an aspect
of truth, and is interesting, presenting as it does,
'a continuous synchrological connexion between the
history of Ceylon and India.' The list can thus be
utilised for ascertaining the chronological
arrangement of early Indian history as well as of the
teachers of early Buddhism.
The Chronicles can still more profitably be
utilised as a very faithful record of the origin and
growth of the numerous religious establishments of
Ceylon. They are so very elaborately described and
the catalogue seems to be so complete that a careful
study may enable us to frame out a history of the
various kinds of religious monastic establishments,
e. g., stuupas, vihaaras, cetiyas, etc. of Ceylon.
Thus the history of the Mahaavihaara, the Abhaya-
_____________________________________________________
(1) Mahaava^msa. (Geiger's Tr,) pp, LIX-LX and ff.
p.275
giri vihaara, the Thuupaaraama, Mahaameghavanaaraama,
and of the host of others is recorded in elaborate
detail. Incidentally they refer to the social and
religious life led by the monks of the Order as well
as by the lay people. It is easy to gather from the
chronicles that the great architectural activity of
the island began as early as as the reign of
Devaana^mpiyatissa and continued unabated during each
succeeding reign till the death of Mahaasena. The
numerous edifices, tanks and canals whose ruins now
cover the old capitals of the island were built
during that period, and their history is unmistakably
recorded in the Chronicles. Religious ceremonies and
processions are often vividly described, and they
give us glimpses of the life and conditions of the
time. Not less interesting is the fact, often times
related as a part of the account of these religious
edifices, of very close intercourse with more or less
important religious centres of India, namely
Raajagaha, Kosambii, Vesaalii. Ujjenii, Pupphapura,
Pallava, Alasanda (Alexandria) and other countries.
Every important function was attended by brother
monks and teachers from the main land to which the
Ceylonese Kings and people turned for inspiration
whenever any question of bringing and enshrining a
relic arose. There are also incidental and stray
references which are no less valuable. The
Maahaava^msa informs us that King Mahaasena built the
Manihiiravihaara and founded three other vihaaras,
destroying temples of the (Brahmanical ) gods. It
shows that Brahmanical temples existed side by side,
and religious toleration was not always the practice.
As for the internal political history and foreign
political relations with India, especially with the
Dami.las, the Chronicles seem to preserve very
faithful records. No less faithful is the
geographical information of India and Ceylon as
supported by them. But most of all, as we have hinted
above, is the information contained in them, in
respect of the history of Buddhism and Buddhist
establishments of the island. There is hardly any
reason to doubt the historicity of such information.
The Cuu.lava^msa is not an uniform and
homogeneous work. It
_____________________________________________________
(1) Edited by Dr. W. Geiger in two volumes for the P.
T. S., London. translated into English by Geiger
and Mrs. R. Rickmers, 1929 and 1930. The
translation with copious notes and a learned
introduction is very useful.
p.276
is a series of additions to, and
Cuu.lava^msa continuations of the Mahaava^msa.
The Mahaava^msa is the work of one
man - Mahaanaama, who compiled the work during the
reign of Dhaatusena in the 6th A. D. But the single
parts of the Cuu.lava^msa are of different character,
written by different authors at different times. The
first who continued the chronicle was according to
Simhalesa tradition the Thera Dhammakitti. He came
from Burma to Ceylon during the reign of King
Parakkamabaahu II in the 13th century A. D.
Between chapters 37 and 79 no trace is found of
the commencement of a new section. This part of the
chronicle seems to be the work of the same author. So
it is clear, if the Simhalese tradition is authentic,
then about three quarters of what we call the
Cuu.lava^msa (Pages 443 out of 532 pages of Geiger's
edition of the Cuu.lava^msa) were composed by
Dhammakitti.
The second section of the Cuu.lava^msa begins
with the reign of of Parakkamabaahu I, and ends with
Hence it follows, the second part of the Cuu.lava^msa
consists of the Chapters from 80 to 90 both
inclusive.
The third portion begins with the chapter 91 and
ends with the chapter 100.
The Mahaava^msa gives us a list of kings from
Vijaya, the first crowned king of Ceylon to
Mahaasena. Mahaanaama simply followed here his chief
source, the Diipava^msa, which also ends with King
Mahaasena. The Cuu.lava^msa, however, begins with the
reign of King Sirimeghava.n.na, son of King Mahaasena
and ends with Sirivikkamaraajasiiha.
The first section of the Cuu.lava^msa begins with
Sirimeghava.n.na and ends with Parakkamabaahu I.
Evidently this portion gives a chronological account
of 78 kings of Ceylon. Altogether eighteen
paricchedas are devoted to the glorification of the
great national hero of the Sinhalese people,
Parakkamabaahu I. Revd.
p.277
R. S. Copleston has called this portion of the
Cuu.lava^msa the epic of Parakkama: This king was
noted for his charity. He not only made gifts of alms
to the needy, but also to the Bhikkhus. As a warrior
this king also stands out pre-eminent. The Co.las and
Dami.las came to La^nkaa from Southern India and
occupied Anuraadhapura. Parakkama fought many battles
with them and drove them out of the country and
became king of the united La^nkaa He then espoused
the cause of the Buddhist Sa^ngha. He built many
great vihaaras and thuupas. He also constructed many
vaapis and uyyaanas.
The second portion of the Cuu.lava^msa begins
with Vijayabaahu II and ends with Parakkamabaahu IV.
Thus it "refers to 23 kings of Ceylon.
The third section begins with Bhuvanekabaahu III,
and ends with Kittisiriraajasiiha. Thus it refers to
24 kings.
The last chapter gives a brief account of tha
last two kings, e. g., Siriraajaadhiraajasiiha and
Sirivikkamaraajasiiha.
There are in both the Chronicles, the Diipava^msa
and Mahaava^msa, interesting references
List of Pali to Pali texts affording very useful
Texts in the material for the history of Pali
Ceylonese literature as well as of early Buddhism
Chronicles in Ceylon.
In the Diipava^msa references are not only made
to Vinaya texts, the five collections of Sutta
Pi.taka, the three Pi.takas, the five Nikaayas (they
are not separately mentioned), and the ninefold
doctrine of the Teacher comprising the Sutta, Geyya,
Veyyaakara.na, Gaathaa, Udaana, Itivuttaka, Jaataka,
Abbhuta and Vedalla but also to the seven sections of
the Abhidhamma, the Pa.tisambhidaa, the Niddesa, the
Pi.taka of the Agamas and the different sections
namely, Vaggas, Pa~n~naasakas, Sa^myuttas and
Nipaatas into which the Diigha, Majjhima, Sa^myutta
and A^nguttara Nikaayas are respectively divided.
Mention is also made separately of the two Vibha^ngas
of Vinaya, namely, Parivaara and Khandhaka, the
Cariyaa-Pi.taka, the Vinaya Pi.taka, the Paatimokkha
and the A.t.thakathaa. We find further mention of the
Kathaavatthu of the
p.278
Abhidhamma, the Petavatthu and the Saccasa^myutta of
the Vimaanavatthu. Of Suttas and Suttantas separate
mention is made of the Devaduuta Sutta,
Baalapa.n.dita Suttanta, Aggikha.n.da Suttanta,
AAsivisa Suttanta, AAsivisuupama Suttanta,
Anamataggiya Sutta, Gomayapi.n.daovaada Suttanta,
Dhammacakkapavattana Suttants and the Mahaasamaye
Suttanta
INDEX OF PALI TEXTS IN THE DIIPAVA^MSA
Abhidhamma, 5, 37 ;7, 56.
Abbhuta, 4, 15.
Aggikkhandha Suttanta, 14, 12.
Anamataggiya Suttanta, 14, 45.
A.t.thakathaa, 20, 20.
AAgamas, 4, 12; 4, 16.
AAsivisa Suttanta, 14, 18.
AAsivisuupama Suttanta, 14, 45.
Itivuttaka, 4, 15. Udana, 4, 15.
Kathaavatthu, 7, 41; 7, 56.
Khandhaka, 7, 43,
Geyya, 4, 15.
Gaathaa, 4, 15.
Gomayapi.n.daovaada Suttanta, 14, 46.
Cariyaa Pi.taka 14, 45.
Jaataka, 4, 15; 5, 37.
Dhuta^nga, (precepts ), 4, 3.
Dhamma, 4, 4 ; 4, 6.
Dhaatuvaada precepts, 5, 7.
Dhammacakkapavattana Suttanta, 14, 46,
Devaduuta Sutta, 13, 7.
Nipaatas, 4, 16.
Niddesa, 5, 37.
Nikaayas, 7, 43.
Pi.takas, 4, 32 ; 5, 71; 7, 30; 20, 20.
Parivaara, 5, 37; 7, 43.
Pa~n~naasakas, 4, 16.
p.279
Petavatthu, 12, 84.
Paatimokkha, 13, 55.
Pa.tisambhidaa, 5, 37.
Vinaya, 4, 3;4, 4&6; 7,43.
Veyyaakara.na, 4, 15.
Vedalla, 4, 15.
Vaggas, 4, 16,
Vimaanavatthu, 12, 85.
Baalapa.n.dita Suttanta, 13, 13.
Vinaya Pi.taka. 18, 19; 18, 33;18, 37.
Vibha^ngas, 7, 43.
Mahaasamaya Suttanta, 14, 53.
Sutta, 4, 15; 4, 16.
Sutta Pi.taka (pa~ncanikaaya) 18, 19; 18, 33,
Sa^myuttas, 4, 16.
In the Mahaava^msa too we find numerous mentions
of Pali texts But, curiously enough, references to
independent texts are much less comprehensive than
that of the earlier chronicle; though mention of
Suttas and Suttantas mainly of the three Nikaayas,
the A^nguttara, the Majjhima and the Sa^myutta, as
well as of the Sutta Nipaata and the Vinaya Pi.taka
are much more numerous. There are also several
references to Jaatakas. The three Pi.takas are often
mentioned as important texts, but only the Abhidhamma
and the Vinaya are mentioned by name, and that too
only once or twice in each case.
INDEX OF PALI TEXTS IN THE MAHAAVA^MSA
Abhidhamma Pi.taka, 5, 150.
AAsivisuupamaa( A^nguttara Nikaaya), 12, 26.
Anamatagga Sa^myutta( Sa^myutta Nikaaya ),12, 31.
Aggikkhanddopama Sutta( A^nguttara), 12, 34.
Kapi Jaataka, 35, 31.
Kaalakaaraama Suttanta, 12, 39.
Khajjaniya Suttanta( Sa^myutta N. ) 15, 195.
Khandhakas (Sections of the Mahaavagga and
Cullavagga of the Vinaya Pi.taka ) 36, 68.
p.280
Gomayapi.n.disutta( Sa^myutta N. ), 15, 197.
Cuulahatthipaduupama Suttanta, (Majjhima N. ), 14
,22.
Cittayamaka( Ref. Yamakappakara.na of the
Abhidhamma), 5, 146.
Jaataka (tales), 27, 34; 30, 88.
Tiipi.taka, 4, 62;5, 84; 5, 112; 5, 118 & 119; 5,
210; 27, 44.
Tittira Jaataka, 5, 264.
Devaduuta Suttanta ( Majjhima N. ), 12, 29.
Dhammacakkapavattana Suttanta (Mahaavagga of the
V. P.),
Baalapa.n.dita Suttanta ( Sa^myutta N. ), 15, 4.
Brahmajaala Suttanta, 12, 51.
Vesssantara Jaataka, 30, 88.
Vinaya, 5, 151,
Mahaa-Naarada-Kassapa Jaataka, 12, 37.
Mahaappamaada Suttanta ( Sa^myutta N. ), 16, 3.
Ma^ngala Sutta( Sutta Nipaata ), 32, 43.
Mahaama^ngala Sutta ( Sutta N. ), 30, 83.
Mahaasamaya Suttants( Diigha Nikaaya ), 30, 83.
Samacitta Sutta ( Samaoittavagga in the Duka
Nipaata of the A^nguttara Nikaaya ), 14, 39,
Sutta Pi.taka, 5, 150.
The Buddhaghosuppatti deals with the life and
career of Buddhaghosa, the famous
Buddhaghosupp- commentator, less authentic than the
atti account contained in the Cuu.lava^msa
. It gives us an account of
Buddhagosa's boyhood, his admission to the
priesthood, his father's conversion, voyage to
Ceylon, Buddhaghosa as a witness, ·: permission to
translate scriptures, his objects attained, return to
India and his passing away. The book is written in an
easy language. It is more or less a historical
romance. As to the historical value of this work
readers are referred to my work, 'The Life and Work
of Buddhaghosa' (Ch.II, pp.43-44) The
Buddhaghosuppatti has been edited by James Grey and
published by Messrs Luzac & Co., London Grey has also
translated the book into English, ÿ
p.281
The stories in the Milindapa~nha, the Mahaava^msa
and the Buddhaghosuppatti are so similar that one
doubts it very much that the author of this work
borrowed the incidents from the Miliadapa~nha and the
Mahaava^msa and grafted them on to his own.
A critical study of the Buddhaghosuppatti does
not help us much in elucidating the history of
Buddhaghosa. The author bad little authentic
knowledge of the great commentator. He only collected
the legends which centred round the remarkable man by
the time when his work was written. Those legends are
mostly valuable from the strict historical point of
view. Grey truly says in his introcuction to the
Buddhaghosuppatti that the work reads like an "
Arthurian Romance''. The accounts given by the
Buddhaghosuppatti about the birth, early life,
conversion etc., of Buddhaghosa bear a great
similarity to those of Milinda and Moggaliputta
Tissa. In the interview which took place between
Buddhaghosa and Buddhadatta, the latter is said to
have told Buddhaghosa thus, " I went before you to
compile Buddha's word. I am old, have not long to
live and shall not therefore be able to accomplish my
purpose. You carry out the work satisfactorily."
In Buddhadatta's Vinayavinicahaya we read that
Buddhadatta requested Buddhaghosa to send him the
commentaries when finished that be might summarise
them. This request was complied with by Buddhaghosa.
Buddhadatta summarised the com- mentary on the
Abhidhamma in the Abhidhammaavataara and t1he
commentary on the Vinaya in the Vinayavinicchaya The
above statement in the Vinayavlnioohaya which is more
authoritative than the Buddhaghosuppatti is in direct
contradiction to the statement in the latter book.
The author has made a mistake in the 6th chapter of
the Buddhaghosuppatti in which it is stated that
Buddhaghosa rendered the Buddhist scriptures into
Maagadhi In the seventh chapter of the same book we
read that after the lapse of three months when he
completed his task, the works of Mahinda were piled
up and burnt. Buddhaghosa translated Simhalese
commentaries into Maagadhi and not the texts
themselves. Had it been so there would not have been
- any occasion for burning the works of Mahinda. On
the other hand they would
p.282
have been carefully preserved as the only reliable
and authentic interpretation of the sacred texts. It
has been distinctly statedin the Mahaava^msa that the
texts only existed in the Jambudiipa and Buddhaghosa
was sent to Ceylon to translate the Sinhalese
commentaries into Maaghadhii If the tradition
recorded in the Mahaava^msa is to be believed, then
only we can get an explanation for the destruction of
Mahinda's works.
The Saddhammasa^mgaha is a collection of good
sayings and teachings of the Master
Saddhammasa^mgaha . there are prose and poetry
portions in it. It consists of nine
chapters. It was written by
Dhammakityaabhidhaanathera. It has been edited by
Nedimaale Saddhaananda for the P. T. S. London. The
Diigha, Majjhima, Sa^myutta, A^nguttara and Khuddaka
Nikaayas are mentioned in it. The books of the Abhi-
· dhammapi.taka are referred to in this work. There
are references in it to the Vajjiputtakas of Vesaalii
and Yasaa's stay in the Kuu.taagaarasaalaa in the
Mahaavana. It is mentioned in this book that
Moggaliputta Tissa recited the Kathaavatthu in order
to refute the doctrines of others. This treatise
contains an account of the missionaries sent to
various places to establish the Buddha's religion.
Thera Majjhantika was sent to Kashmir and Gandhaara,
Mahaadeva Thera to Mahisama.n.dala, Rakkhita Thera to
Vanavaasii, YonakaDhammarakkhita Thera to
Aparaantaka, Mahaadhammarakkhita Thera to
Mahaara.t.tha, Mahaarakkhita Thera to the Yonaka
region, Majjhima Thera to the Himalayan region,
Sonaka and Uttara to the Suva.n.nabhuumi and Mahinda
Thera to La^nkaa with four other Theras, Itthiya
Uttiya, Sambala, and Bhaddasaala. Besides there is a
reference to the Buddha preaching his dhamma to the
inhabitants of the city of Campaka
(Campakanagaravaasina^m),
The Sandesa Kathaa has been edited by Minayeff in
J.P.T.S. 1885. It is written mostly
Sandesa Kathaa in prose. It dilates on many points,
e. g.. Mahinda Mahaavijaya,
Kittisiriraajasiha, etc.
The Mahaabodhiva^msa has been edited by Mr.
Strong for the P. T. S. London. The
Mahaabodhiva^msa Simhalese edition by Upatissa and
revised by Sarandada, Colombo, 1891,
deserves mention, There is a Simhalese translation of
this
p.283
work in twelve chapters Prof. Geiger says that the
date of the composition of the Mahaabodhiva^msa is
the 10th century A. D. (Diipava^msa and Mahaava^msa,
p. 79 ).
The Thuupava^msa contains an account of the
thuupas or dagobas built over the
Thuupava^msa relies of the Buddha Readers' attent-
ion is invited to a paper on this
book by Don Martino de Zilva Wickremasinghe (J. R. A.
S. 1898). This work has not yet been edited by the
P.T.S.London. A Simhalese edition of this work is
available (Ed. by Dhammaratana, Paeliyago.da, 1896 ).
The Hatthavanagalla-vihaara-va^msa or the history
of the temple of Attanagalla
Hatthavanagalla- consists of eleven chapters written
vihaara-va^msa in simple Pali. Eight chapters deal
with an account of King SiriSa^ngha-
bodhi and the last three chapters deal with the
erection of various monumental and religious edifices
on the spot where, the king spent his last days. It
reads like a historical novel. J. D'Alwis's English
translation with notes and annotations deserves
mention, Dr. G. P. Malalasekera has undertaken an
edition and English translation of this work in the
Indian Historical Quarterly. There is an edition of
this work published in Colombo 1909 under the title,
" Attanagalu-vihaara-va^msa".
The Daa.thaava^msa or the Dantadhaatuva^msa means
an account of the tooth relic of the
Daa.thaava^msa Buddha Gautama. Va^msa means chronicle
, history, tradition, etc. Literary
it means lineage, dynasty, etc. The Daa.thaava^msa is
a quasi religious historical record written with the
intention of edifying and at the same time giving an
Interesting story of the past. This work is
noteworthy because it shows us Pali as a medium of
epic poetry.
The work was written by Mahaathera Dhammakitti of
the city of Pulatti. He was a
The Author disciple of Saariputta, the author
of the Saaratthadipani.tikaa,
Saaratthama~njusaa.tikaa, Ratanapa~ncika.tiikaa on
the Candravyaakara.na and the Vinayasa^mgraha. He was
well-versed in Sanskrit, Maagadhibhaasaa,
Tarka`saastra (logic), Vyaakara.na (grammar) ÿ
p.284
Kaavya( poetry ), AAgama( religious literature ),
etc. He was fortunate enough to secure the post of a
Raajaguru. Two Va^msas of the Pali Buddhist
literature, the Saasanava^msa and the Gandhava^msa,
tell us that it was he who composed the
Daa.thaava^msa (P. T. S. Ed. p. 34 and J.P.T.S. 1886,
p. 62 ). We know from the Daa.thaava^msa that
originally it was written by the poets in the
Simhalese language and later on rendered into
Maagadhibhaasaa by Dhammakitti for the benefit of the
people of the other countries at the request of
Parakammo, the Commander-in-chief of Ceylon, who
placed Liilaavatii on the vacant throne of Ceylon.
This Lilaavatii, later on, became the queen of
Paraakramavaahu, the king of Ceylon( verses 4-10 ).
The Daa.thaava^msa was written in the Buddha era
845 during the reign of King
Date of Composition Kittisirimeghava.n.na of Ceylon.
Kern says that it is also known
as Da.ladaava^msa composed about 310A.D. It was
translated into Pali in A. D. 1200 under the name of
the Daa.thaava^msa( Manual of Indian Buddhism, p.
89).
The Daa.thaava^msa is an important contribution
to the history of Pali Buddhist
Importance literature. It is an historical record
of the incidents connected with tooth
-relic of the Buddha It is as important as the
Mahaava^msa and the Diipava^msa. The history of
Ceylon would be incomplete without it.
The Daa.thaava^msa is a specimen of fine poetry.
It contains Pali and some debased
Style Simhalese words. Its vocabulary is
rich. Kern rightly remarks that it
belongs to the class of compendiums and contains
repetitions of passages from more ancient works with
more or less apocryphal additions. (Manual of Indian
Buddhism, p.9). In the first chapter, stanzas are
written in Jagati chanda. Sixty stanzas are written
in Va^msastha vrrtta and the last two in
Sragdharaavrrtta; in the second chapter, stanzas are
written in Anu.s.tupachanda in Pathyavaktra vrrtta
and in Mandaakranta vrrtta; in the third chapter, the
stanzas are written in tri.s.thupa chanda in
Upajaata, Indravajra, Upendravajra and Sikhara.ni
vrrttas; in the fourth chapter, stanzas are written
in Atisakvarichanda, in Maalinii, Saad-
p.285
dulavikri.dita vrrttas; and in the last chapter,
sanzas are written in Sakvarichanda in Vasantatilaka
and Sragdharaa vrrttas.
The Daa.thaava^msa gives an account of the
tooth-relic of the Buddha which is
Subject-matter said to have been brought to Ceylon
by Dantakumaara, Prince of Kali^nga
from Dantapura, the capital of Kali^nga. It consists
of five chapters, a brief summary of which is given
below.
Chapter I. While the Buddha Diipa^mkara was
coming to the city of Rammavatii at the invitation of
the people of the city, a hermit named Sumedha showed
his devotion by laying himself down on the muddy road
which the Buddha was to cross. The Buddha walked over
his body with his disciples. Sumedha prayed to the
Buddha Diipa^mkara that he might be a Buddha himself
in future. Diipa^mkara granted him the boon whereupon
he set himself in all earnestness, to fulfil the ten
paaramitaas (perfections ). The hermit was in heaven
prior to his last birth, At the instance of the gods,
he was reborn in Kapilavastu in the family of
Suddhodana and in the womb of Mahaamaayaa. As soon as
he was reborn, he stood up and looked round and was
worshipped by men and gods. He went seven steps
northwards. He was named Siddhattakumaara. Three
palaces suitable for the three seasons of the year,
were built for him. While going to the garden, he saw
an old man, a diseased man, a dead man and a hermit.
He then made up his mind to renounce the worldly
life. 'With the help of the gods he left the palace
and reached the river Anomaa and on the banks of the
river, he cut off his hair and threw it upwards to
the sky. Indra got the hair and built a caitya over
it which is still known as Cuu.lama.ni Caitya. A
potter brought a yellow robe, a beggar's bowl, etc.
for him. He put on the yellow robe and left the
Raajagaha. Thence he went to Uruvelaa and made
strenuous efforts for six years to acquire bodhi
(enlightenment ). In the evening of the full-moon day
of Vai`saakha, he went to the foot of the Bodhi-tree
and sat on a seat made of straw and defeated Maara's
army. In the last watch of the night he acquired
supreme knowledge. After the attainment of Bodhi, he
spent a week, seated on the same seat at the foot of
the Bo-free, enjoying the bliss of emancipation. He
spent another
p.286
week, looking at the Bodhi tree, with steadfast eyes.
Another week was spent by him at a place called
Rata.naghara near the Bodhi tree, meditating upon
pa.ticcasamuppaada (dependent origination) He then
went to the foot of the Ajapaalanigrodha tree where
he spent a week in meditation. He went to
Mucalindanaagabhavana where he was saved by the naaga
from hailstorm. He then visited tha Raajaayatana.
Thence he started for Isipatanamigadaava to preach
his first sermon known as Dhammacakkapavattana but on
the way two merchants, Tapussa and Bhallika, offered
him madhupi.n.dika (a kind of food prepared with
honey and molasses). The Buddha placed them in two
refuges. He then reached Isipatana on the full-moon
day of the month of AA.saa.dha. He preached the
Dhammacakkapavattana Sutta to the first band of five
disciples headed by A~n~nakonda~n~na.
Chapter II. The Buddha was thinking of doing good
to the world. Nine months after his attainment of
Bodhi, the Buddha made an serial voyage to La^nkaa to
fulfil his mission and descended on the garden named
Mahaanaagavana. Then he went to the meeting of the
Yakkhas and terrified them by creating storm,
darkness and heavy rains. The Yakkhas having been
greatly troubled by these, came to the Buddha and
asked for protection. In the midst of the meeting he
sat down on a seat of leather but by his miraculous
power he made the seat very hot and owing to the
excessive heat radiating from the seat, the Yakkhas
became very much distressed and the leather expanded
so as to cover the whole of the island La^nka and the
Yakkhas gathered together on the coast, unable to
bear the excessive heat. The Giridiipa which was full
of shady trees, was brought close to the island of
La^nkaa by the Buddha and the Yakkhas, to save
themselves from the extreme heat, went to the
Giridiipa which was again set on its former site and
thus the island of La^nkaa was rid of the Yakkhas. As
soon as the Yakkhas left the island of La^nkaa, he
stopped his miracle and many gods came to the island
and surrounded him. The Buddha preached to the Devas
dhamma and gave one of his hairs to God Sumana who
built a Caitya over it on the top of the Sumanakuu.ta
Hill and worshipped it. Then.the Buddha returned to
Jetavana. Again he went to La^nkaa five years after
his enlightenment and pacified the contest between
p.287
Cuu.lodara and Mahodara for a jewelled throne. Again
he came to the island of La^nkaa eight years after
his enlightenment being invited by a Naaga named
Ma.niakkhika. The Buddha with five hundred disciples
went to the house of Ma.niakkhika in Kalyaa.nii. A
caitya built over the seat offered by Ma.niakkhika
and used and left by the Buddha, was worshipped by
the Naagas there. This caitya was named Kalyaa.nii
Caitya. The Buddha then visited the Sumanakuu.ta Hill
and left his footprints there. Thence he went to
Diighavaapii where he sat in meditation for some
time. Thence he visited the site of the Bodhi-tree at
Anuraadhapura where also he sat in meditation for
sometime. Thence he visited the Thuupaaraama and
finished his work in Ceylon. He preached dhamma for
fortyfive years and obtained parinibbaana on the
full-moon day of the month of Vai`saakha in the
garden named Upavattana of the Malla Kings near
Kusinaaraa. In the first watch of the night of his
parinibbaana, he preached dhamma to the Mallas, in
the middle watch, he made Subhadda an arahat and in
the last watch he instructed the Bhikkhus to be
ardent and strenuous. Early in the morning he rose up
from meditation and passed away. Many miracles were
seen after his parinibbaana, e. g., the earth quaked
from end to end, celestial music was played, all
trees became adorned with flowers, though it was not
the time for flowers to bloom. The body of the Buddha
was wrapped up in new clothes and cotton, five
hundred times. It was put into a golden pot, full of
oil. A funeral pyre was prepared with scented wood
such as sandal, twenty cubits in height and the Mall
chiefs put the cil-pot in the pyre. As Mahaakassapa
did not arrive, fire could not be kindled because it
was desired by the gods that the Buddha's body must
not be burnt before Mahaakassapa had worshipped it.
As soon as Mahaakassapa came and worshipped the dead
body of the Buddha, fire was kindled The dead body
was so completely burnt as to leave no ashes or
charcoal. Only the bones of the Buddha of the colour
of pearl and gold remained. On account of the
Buddha's desire the bones became separated excepting
the four bones of the head, two collar bones and
teeth Sarabhu, a disciple of Saariputta, went to
Mahia^ngana in Ceylon taking with him one of the
collarbones of the Buddha and built a caitya. An
arahat named Khema took a left tooth relic of the
Buddha and over the remaining bone relics, kings of
the eight countries, began to quarrel. Dona
p.288
settled the dispute and divided the bones equally
among the eight countries. The kings after having
received the relic, took them to their respective
kingdoms, built caityas over them and worshipped
them. One tooth-relic taken by Khema was given to
Brahmadatta, king of Kali^nga who built a caitya over
it and worshipped it. Brahmadatta's son, Kaasiraaja,
succeeded his father and worshipped, like his dead
father, the caitya built ever the tooth relic of the
Buddha. Kaasiiraaja's son, Sunanda, succeeded him and
did the same. Sunanda's son Guhasiva, succeeded him
to the throne and did the same. Guhasiva's minister
who was a false believer, asked the king whether
there was anything supernatural in the tooth relic of
the Buddha which the king worshipped and for which
valuable offerings were given by him. The king then
narrated the various qualities of the tooth relic
which showed miracles when prayed for. The minister
gave up his false belief and became a follower of the
Buddha. The heretics seeing this became very much
dissatisfied. Guhasiva ordered all the Niga.n.thas to
be driven out of the kingdom. The Niga.n.thas went to
King Pa.n.du of Paa.taliputta, who was then a very
powerful king of Jambudiipa. They complained to
Pa.n.du that King Guhasiiva being a king subordinate
to him (Pa.n.du) worshipped the bone of a dead person
(that is, Buddha's relic ) without worshipping
Brahmaa, Siva and others whom he (Pa.n.du) worshipped
and they further complained that Guhasiva ridiculed
the deities worshipped by him (Pa.n.du). Hearing this
King Pa.n.du grew angry and sent one of his
subordinate kings called Cittayaana with a fourfold
army to arrest and bring Guhasiva with the tooth
relic. Cittayaana informed (Guhasiva of his mission
and Guhasiva welcomed him cordially, showed him the
tooth relic of the Buddha and narrated to him the
virtues possessed by it. Cittayaana became very much
pleased with him and became a follower of the Buddha.
Chapter III. Cittayaana then informed Guhasiiva
of the order of King Pa.n.du Guhasiva with the tooth
relic on his head, followed by a large number of
followers with valuable presents for King Pa.n.du,
went to Paa.taliputta. The Niga.n.thas requested King
Pa.n.du not to offer any seat to Guhasiva and they
also
p.289
requested him to set fire to the tooth relic. A big
pit of burning charcoal was dug by the king's command
and the heretics after taking away the tooth relic,
threw it into the fire. As soon as it came in contact
with fire, fire became as cool as the winter breeze
and a lotus blossomed in the fire and in the midst of
the lotus, the tooth relic was placed. Seeing this
wonder, many heretics gave up false beliefs but the
king himself being a false believer for a long time,
could not give up false belief and ordered the tooth
relic to be destroyed by stone, which found its place
in the sky. The Niga.n.thas asked the king not to
attach great importance to the miracles as they were
not unprecedented The toothrelic was put in a casket
and the Nigha.n.thas were asked to take it out and
throw it away but none could do so. The king declared
that he who would be able to take out the tooth
relic, would be rewarded. Anaathapi.n.dika's great
grandson recollecting the virtues of the Buddha and
the deeds done by his great grandfather for the
Buddha, was very much pleased to know of the
declaration and went to take the tooth relic out of
the casket. He praised the tooth relic much and then
the tooth relic rose up to the sky and then came down
to rest on the head of the great grandson of
Anaathapi.n.dika. The Niga.n.thas told King Pa.n.du
that due to the influence of Anaathapi.n.dika's great
grandson the tooth relic could rise up to the sky and
come down to rest on the head of the great grandson.
The Niga.n.thas denied the influence of the relic
which displayed various miracles according to the
desire of Anathapi.n.dika's great grandson. The tooth
relic was thrown into a moat. Cittayaana advised the
king that he should follow dhamma of the Buddha
because by worshipping the tooth-relic, Bimbisaara
and other kings attained nirvaa.na. Thus advised he
gave up false belief and brought the tooth relic with
great pomp. King Guhasiiva was cordially received by
King Pa.n.du and both of them did many meritorious
deeds.
Chapter IV. A King named Khiradhaara came to
fight with King Pa.n.du who became victorious.
Pa.n.du after re-establishing peace in his kingdom,
sent back Guhasiiva with Buddha's tooth relic to
Kali^nga. Dantakumaara, son of the king of Ujjain,
came to Kali^nga to worship the tooth relic,
Guhasiiva cordially wel-
p.290
comed him and became pleased to hear the qualities of
Danta kumaara and afterwards gave his daughter in
marriage to Danta kumaara. After the defeat of
Dantakumaara his son and nephews came to Malayavana,
a town near Dantapura, to take away the tooth relic
by force. Fully realising the danger, Guhasiiva asked
his son-in-law and daughter to go to Ceylon with the
tooth relic. as the king of Ceylon and his subjects
were faithful to the Buddha, he thought Ceylon would
be the best and safest place for the relic. At this
time Mahaasena, a friend of Guhasiiva, was the king
of Ceylon. The son-in-law and the daughter with the
relic sailed by a merchant ship from the port of
Taamralipti. The ship reached Ceylon safely with the
relic.
Chapter V. Dantakumaara and his wife with the
relic went to a village near the eastern gate of
Anuraadhapura in the ninth year of the reign of
Kittisirimegha, son of Mahaadisena Dantakumaara met
an Arahat and informed him of the tooth relic which
he brought to Ceylon for its safety. The Arahat after
hearing this went to the king and informed him of the
matter. Mahaadisena, the preceding king of Ceylon was
a friend of Guhasiiva, king of Kali^nga who did not
know that Mahaadisena had died and his son
Kittisirimegha was on the throne of Ceylon.
Dantakumaara and his wife became very much grieved to
know that Mahaadisena was no more and his son
Kittisirimegha pad succeeded him on the throne. The
king of Ceylon after learning from the Arahat that
the tooth relic was brought to Ceylon for its safety
by Dantakumaara and his wife, became very much
pleased. The king and the queen of Ceylon went
barefooted to Meghagirivihaara, residence of the
Arahat, to receive the relic. They brought the relic
to the palace and placed it on the throne with great
devotion. The citizens of Ceylon, the Bhikkhus well
versed in the Tripi.takas and the Arahats came to
worship it. The king knew that the colour of the
relic was as white as the morning star. But finding
it not to be so when it was taken out of the casket,
suspicion arose in the mind of the king, but his
suspicion was soon removed when the relic displayed
several miracles. The king built a special temple and
kept it there. All the Simhalese monks and
householders assembled at Anuraadhapura to worship
the tooth
p.291
relic. At this time a question arose as to the
section of the monks to whom the tooth relic would be
entrusted for its safety and The king decided that
the tooth relic would select The tooth relic placed
on a fully decorated elephant was taken round the
city and was brought to the place where the Thera
Mahinda preached his first sermon after reaching
Ceylon. The King of Ceylon ruled that the relic would
be taken round the city once in a year in spring. The
temple where it was kept, was extended at the cost of
nine lacs. After the death of Kittisirimegha, his
successors such as Buddhadaasa worshipped it with
devotion and protected it.(1)
The Cha-kesa-dhaatu-va^msa has been edited by
Minayeff of St. Petersburg in
Cha-kesa-dhaatu-va^msa the Journal of the P. T. S.
1885.It is a work by a modern
It is a mixture of prose and Burmese author of
unknown date. It contains an account of hair relics
of the Buddha.
The Gandhava^msa has been edited by Minayeff in
J. P. T. S., 1886. His edition is
Gandhava^msa based on Burmese manuscripts. It is
a small and interesting outline of the
history of Pali books. It is written mostly in prose.
Besides the books of the canon, there is contained in
it a sketch of the history of more modern Pali works
far more detailed than that in the Saasanava^msa. A
list of authors and their works as stated in the
Gandhava^msa is given below:
_____________________________________________________
(1) The Daa.thaava^msa has been edited in
Devanaagarii character and translated into
English by Dr. B. C. Law and published by Messrs.
Motilal Banarsidas, Proprietors of the Punjab
Sanskrit Book Depot, Lahore. Besides, there are
two Sinhalese editions (by Terunnanse and
Siilaala^nkaars), and a P. T. S. (London) edition
published in 1884 in J. P. T.S. There is another.
English translation of this work by Mutu
Coomaraswami published by Messrs, Trubner & Co.,
London in 1874. A French version of this work
appeared in Paris in 1884 under the '' Le
Daa.thaava^msa, ou, Histoire de is dent relique
du Buddha Gotama; poeme epique Pali de
Dhammakitti. " There is a commentary on the
Daa.thaava^msa known as the
Daa.thaadhaatuva^msa.tiikaa mentioned in an
inscription of the 15th century A. D. Vide also
G. Turnour -- Account of the Tooth Relic of
Ceylon (J. A. S. B. vi).
p.292
Mahaakaccayana:-- Kaccaayanagandho,
Mahaaniruttigandho, Cullaniruttigandho, Nettigandho,
Pe.takopadesagandho, Va.n.naniitigandho.
Buddhaghosa:-- Visuddhimaggo, Sumangalavilaasini,
Papa~ncasuudani, Saaratthapakaasini, Menorathapuura,
ni, Samantapaasaadikaa, Paramatthakathaa,
Ka^nkhaavitara.ni, Dhammapada.t.thakatthaa,
Jaataka.t.thakathaa, Khuddakapaa.tha.t.thakathaa,
Apadaana.t.thakathaa.
Buddhadatta:-- Vinayavinicchayo,
Uttaravinicchayo, Abhidhammavataaro,
Madhuratthavilaasinii.
AAnanda:- Muula.tiika^m,
Dhammapaala:-- Nettipakara.na.t.thakathaa,
Itivuttaka-a.t.tha kathaa, Udaana.t.thakathaa,
Cariyaapi.taka-a.t.thakathaa, Theragaathaa.t.thakath-
aa, Vimaanavatthussa Vimalavilaasininaama
a.t.thakathaa, Petavatthussa Vimalavilaasinii naama
a.t.thakatha, Paramatthema~njuusaa,
Diighanikaaya.t.thakathaadina^m Catunna^ma.t.thakath-
aana^m Liinatthapakaasininaama.tiikaa,
Jaataka.t.thakathaaya Liinatthapakaasini
naama.tiikaa, Paramatthadipani, Linatthava.n.nanaa.
Mahaavajirabuddhi :-- Vinayaga.n.dhi.
Vimalabuddhi :-- Mukhamattadiipanii.
Cullavajiro :-- Atthabyakkhyaana^m,
Diipa^mkaro: -- Ruupasiddhipakara.na^m,
Ruupasiddhi.tika^m Summapa~ncasutta^m.
Culladhammapaalo :-- Saccasa^mkhepa^m.
Kassapo:-- Mohavicchedani, Vimaticchedani,
Buddhava^mso, Anaagatava^msa.
Mahaanaama :-- Saddhammapakaasani, Mahaava^msa,
Cullava^msam.
Upasena :--Saddhamma.t.thi.tika^m.
Moggallaana :-- Moggallaanabyaakara.na^m.
Sa^mgharakkhita :-- Subodhaala^mkaara^m.
Vuttodayakaara:-- Vuttodays, Sa^mbandhacintaa
Nava.tiika^m,
p.293
Dhammasir.l :-- Khuddasikkham.
Anuruddha :-- Khuddasikkham.
Anuruddha :-- Paramatthavinicchaya^m,
Naamaruupapariccheda^m, Abhidhamm atthassa^mgahapaka-
ra.na^m.
Khema:-- Khema^m.
Saariputta:-- Saaratthadiipanii,
Vinayasa^mgahapakara.na^m, Saaratthama~njuusa^m,
Pa~ncaka^m.
Buddhanaaga :-- Vinayatthama~njusa^m.
Navo Moggallaana:-- Abhidhaanappadiipika^m.
Vaacissaro:-- Sambandhacintaa.tiikaa,
Moggallaanabyaakara.nassa.tikaa, Naamaruupaparicched-
a.tiikaa, Padaruupavibhaavana^m,
Khemapakara.nassa.tiikaa, Muulasikkhaayatiikaa,
Vuttodayavivara.na^m Suma^ngalapasaadanii,
Baalaavataaro, Yogavinicchayo, Siimaala^mkaara,
Ruupaaruupavibhaaga, Paccayasa^mgaho.
Suma^ngala:-- Abhidhammatthavikaasanii,
AbhidhammatthaVibhaavanii.
Dhammakitti:-- Dantadhaatupakara.na^m.
Medha^mkaro :-- Jinacarita^m.
Saddhamasiri:- Saddatthabhedacintaa.
Devo:-- Suma.nakuu.tava.n.nanaa.
Cullabuddhaghoso:-- Jaatattagiinidaana^m, Sotatt-
agiinidaana^m.
Ra.t.thapaala:-- Madhurasavaahinii.
Aggava^msa:-- Saddaniitipakara.na^m.
Vimalabuddhi:-- Mahaa.tika^m.
Uttama :--Baalaavataara.tiika^m, Li^ngatthavivar-
a.na.tika^m.
Kyaovaara~n~no :-- Saddabindu, Paramatthabindupa-
kara.na^m.
Saddhammaguru :-- Saddavuttipakaasana^m.
Aggapa.n.dita :-- Lokuppatti.
p.294
Saddhammajotipaala :-- Siimaala^mkaarassa.tiikaa,
Maatikatthadiipanii, Vinayasamu.t.thaanadiipanii,
Gandhasaaro, Pa.t.thaanaga.nanaanayo,
Sa^mkhepava.n.nanaa, Suttaniddeso,
Paatimokkhavisodhanii.
Nava Vimalabuddhi :-- Abhidhammapa.n.narasa.tth-
aana^m.
Vepullabuddhi:-- Saddasaaratthajaaliniyaa.tikaa,
Vuttodaya.tiikaa, Paramatthama~njusaa,
Dasaga.n.dhiva.n.nanaa, Magadhabhuutavidagga^m,
Vidadhimukkhaman.dana.tiikaa.
Ariyava^mso:--Ma.nisaarama~njusa^m, Ma.nidiipa^m,
Ga.n.dabhara.na^m, Mahaanissara^m,Jaatakavisodhana^m.
Civaro :-- Ja^nghadaasassa .tiika^m.
Nava medha^mkaro :-- Lokadiipakasaara^m.
Saariputto:-- Saddavuttipakaasakassa.tiika^m.
Saddhammaguru :-- Saddavuttipakaasaana^m,
Dhammasenaapati:--Kaarika^m. Etimaasamidiipaka^m,
and Manohaara^m.
Naanasaagaro:- Li^ngatthavivar.napakaasana^m.
Abhaya :- Saddatthabhedacintaaya mahaa.tiika^m.
Gu.nasaagaro :- Mukhamattasaara^m ta.t-.tiika^m.
Subhutacandana :- Li^ngatthavivara.napakara.na^m.
Udumbaranaamaacariyo :--Pe.takopadessssa.tiika^m.
Upatissaacariya:-Anaagatava^msassa a.t.thakathaa.
Buddhapiya :--Saaratthasa^mgahanaamagandho.
Dhammaanandaacariya :-- Kaccaayanasaaro,
Kaccaayanabheda^m, and Kaccaayanasaarassa.tiikaa.
Gandhaacariyo :-- Kurundiigandho.
Naagiitaacariya :-- Saddhasaaratthajaalini.
Works of unknown authors mentioned in the
Gandhava^msa are stated below:--
p.295
Mahaapaccariya^m, Puuraa.na.tiikaa,
Muulasikkhaa.tiikaa, Liinatthapakaasinii, Nisandeho,
Dhammaanusaara.nii, Neyyaasandati, Neyyaasandatiyaa-
.tiikaa, Sumahavataaro. Lokopa~n~nattipakara.na^m,
Tathagatapattipakara.na^m, Nalaatadhitava.n.nanaa,
Siihalavittha, Dhammapadaapako, Pa.tipattisa^mgaho,
Visuddhimaggagandhi, Abhidhammagandhi,
Nettipakara.nagandhi, Visuddhimaggaculla.tiikaa,
Sotappamaalini, Pasaadani, Ottasalokasuudani,
Subodhaala^nkaarassa Nava.tikaa, Guu.lhattha.tiika^m,
Baalappabodhana^m, Saddatthabhedacintaaya
majjhima.tika^m, Kaarikaaya.tika^m, Etimaasa
Etimaasamidipik Thuupava^msa and Bodhiva^msa.
The author of the Saasanava^msa gives an outline
of Buddha's life and briefly deals
Saasanava^msa with the three Buddhist Councils held
during tile reigns of the three
Indian kings, Ajaatasattu, Kaalaasoka and Asoka. the
third Council was over, Moggaliputta Tissa Thera
Buddhist missionaries to different countries for the
propagation of the Buddhist faith. Pa~n~naasaami, the
author of the Saasanava^msa, speaks of the nine
regions visited by the missionaries. But of these
nine, five are placed in Indo-China. Dr. Mobel Bode
is of opinion that the author's horizon seems to be
limited, first by an orthodox desire to claim most of
the early teachers for the countries of the South
(and hence to prove the purest possible sources for
the Southern doctrines), and secondly by a certain
feeling of national pride. According to this account,
MahaaMoggaliputta Tissa sent two separate
missionaries to the neighbouring regions in the
valley of the Irawaddy besides three others, who
visited Laos and Pegu.
The Thera Mahinda went to Ceylon for the
propagation of the faith during the reign of the
Sinhalese King Devaana^mpiyatissa who was a
contemporary of the Indian King Asoka.
Sona and Uttara visited Suva.n.nabhuumi
(Sudhammapura. that is, Thaton at the mouth of
Sittaung River). The author holds that even before
the sending out of the missionaries to
Suva.n.nabhuumi by Moggaliputta Tissa There, the
President of the Third Buddhist Council, Buddha came
here personally with a number of Bhikkhus to preach
his doctrines.
p.296
Mahaarakkhita Thera spread Buddhism in Yona
country (the country of the Shan tribes about Zimme).
Yonarakkhita Thera visited the country of
Vanavaasii (the region round Prome) and propagated
Buddhism there.
Majjhantika visited Kasmira and Gandhaara (the
Gandhaara country) which lay on the right bank of the
Indus, south of Kabul and the whole country became a
strong Buddhist hold.
It was through Mahaa-Revata Thera that Buddhism
found its way into Mahi^msakama.n.dala (Andhra
country).
Mahaa-Dhammarakkhita There went to Mahaara.t.tha
(Mahaanegara-ra.t.tha or Siam) and spread Buddhism
there.
Majjhima Thera spread the Buddhist faith in
Cinara.t.tha (the Himavantapadesa of the Ceylon books
).
Now we shall deal with the history of the spread
of Buddhism in Aparantara.t.tha which (placed by
European scholars west of the Punjab) is no other
then the Sunaaparanta of the Burmese, i. e., the
region lying west of the upper Irawaddy.
The Saasanava^msa brings before us a picture of
the relations of State and Sa^mgha in Burma from the
time of Anuruddha, with his constant adviser,
Arahanta to the time of Meng-Dun-Meng, with his
Council of Mahaatheras. Those relations were one of
mutual dependence. The Order, though enriched by the
gifts of pious laymen, yet depends, in the last
resort, upon the king. The peaceful and easy life
dear to the Burmese Bhikkhu, the necessary calm for
study or the writing of books, the land or water to
be set apart for ecclesiastical ceremonies, all these
are only secured by the king's favour and protection.
This accounts for the general loyalty of the Sa^mgha
to the head of the State. The king's despotism is
also held in check. '' At the lowest, the royal gifts
of vihaaras and the buildings of cetiyas are either
the price paid down for desired prosperity and
victory, or the atonement for bloodshed and plunder;
and the despot dares not risk the terrors, the
degradation, that later births, in coming time, may
hold in store for him, if he injures or neglects the
Sa^mgha." As a rule, the king was the recognised
authority in ecclesiastical affairs. This is
p.297
evident from Anuruddha's vigorous reforms. The
Sa^mgharaaja is not the elected Head of the Order. He
is appointed by the king whose favourite and tutor he
usually is, It appears from the Paarupana Eka^msika
controversy that the king's power to settle a
religious question by royal decree is fully
recognised by the Sa^mgha. But we also see the king
himself under his aacariya's influence, so far as to
ensure his favouring the orthodox or unorthodox
school, according to the views of the Sa^mgharaaja.
The History of Religion In Mramma is nothing more
than the history of the Buddhist Order in
Sunaaparanta and Tambadiipa. The history of the
Burmese as a nation centres in a group of cities --
Pugan, Sagain, Ava, Panya, Amarapura Mandalay each,
in its turn, the seat of kings.
The early Buddhist stronghold In Burma was at
Sudhammapura, the capital of Manohari, King of Pegu.
Anuruddha, King of Pugan, at the instance of
Arahanta, a great Thera who came from Sudhammapura to
Pugan, made war with Manohari and brought the sacred
relies and books to Pugan. All the members of the
Sa^mgha in T.haton( Sudhammapura) were also
transferred to Pugan. Anuruddha further sent for
copies from Ceylon, which Arahanta compared with
those of Pegu, to settle the readings.
During the reign of Narapatisisa the celebrated
teacher Uttaraajiiva came from Sudhammapura to
Arimaddana and established religion there. His pupil
Chapada who spent ten years studying in Ceylon,
returned with four colleagues to the capital. After
the death of Chapada separate schools came into
existence, having their origin in certain differences
that arose between the three surviving teachers--
Siivali, Tamalinda and AAnanda. The schools are
together known as Pacchaaga.na to distinguish them
from the earlier school in Arimaddana (Purimagana)
founded by Arahanta.
The reign of Kyocvaa is highly important for the
history of Buddhism. He was himself the author of two
manuals --Paramatthabindu and Saddabindu, for the use
of his wives, and one of his daughters wrote the
Vibhatyattha. We are told of the science and zeal of
the women of Arimaddana, and anecdotes are told of
their skill in grammar and the keenness of their wit. ÿ
p.298
In the reign of Bureng Naung religion thrived
most. It is recorded of him that he even forced
Buddhism on the Shaans and Muslims in the north of
his kingdom.
In the reign of Siri Mahaasihasurasudhammaraajaa
begins a new chapter in the history of Burmese
Buddhism -- the Paarupana Eka^msika controversy. The
rise and many phases of the dispute are set forth at
length by the author of the Saasanava^msa. Two sects
arose -- the Eka^msika sect (it was so named for
going about in the village with one shoulder
uncovered by the upper garment, and the Paarupana
sect (this school strictly observed the wearing of
the upper garment on both shoulders, during the
village rounds). During the reign of Bodoah Pra the
question was settled for good. A royal decree
established the Paarupana practices for the whole of
the kingdom.
During the reign of Meng-dun-Meng we come to the
last controversy, perhaps recorded because it points
to the influence of the Burmese Sa^mgha in Ceylon. an
ancient Siimaa in the island (Ceylon) was the subject
of dispute. The matter was brought for judgment to
the Sa^mgharaaja at Mandalay, by deputations from
both sides. The Sa^mgharaaja gave judgment after
consulting various sacred texts. The members of both
sides received presents from the king.
Thus the history of religion in Aparanta closes.
The edition of the Saasanava^msa(1) is based on
two palm-leaf Mss. in the British Museum. It is a
non-canonical book and is text of Burmese authorship,
It is a very interesting historical work. The author
Pa~n~naswaami who dates his book 1223 of the Burmese
Common Era 1861 A. D., was the tutor of the then
reigning king of Burma and himself a pupil of the
head of the Order at Mandalay. The table of contents
promises a general history of Buddhism drawn from a
few well-known Pali works, e. g., A.t.thakathaa,
Vinaya Pi.taka, Mahaava^msa and Diipava^msa. Events
are brought up to the time of the third Council in
the
_____________________________________________________
(1) Read Saasanava^msadiipa edited by J~naanatilaka
Naayaka Punnaanse and Saasanava^msaadiipaya by
Vimalasaara Unnaanse. Read also "The author of
the Saasanava^msa " by M. Bode, J. R, A, S.,
1899.
p.299
time of Asoka and the sending forth of missionaries
by the Thera Mahaamoggaliputta Tissa. The later
history of religion consists of nine chapters, which
falls into two parts. The first part consists of a
few legends strung together with quotations from
Buddhaghosa and Dipava^msa. The accounts of Ceylon
and Burma seem to be more careful and complete than
those of the other matters of this group. The second
part covers three-fifths of the book and treats
solely of the history of Buddhism in Burma proper. In
part one, the section dealing with the missions
strikes the key-note of the Saasanava^msa. A few
geographical notes explained the nine regions visited
by the first missionaries. A careful study of this
work shows the author's intimate acquaintance with
the commentaries. The style imitates that of
Buddhaghosa and his successors. There are no points
of philological interest. The book gives us an
interesting record of the part played by the Buddha's
religion in the social and intellectual life.
Pa~n~naswaami's history is a purely ecclesiastical
piece of work. This work has been edited by Mobel
Bode. Ph. D. for the P. T. S. London.