Asian Folklore Studies
Vol.55 No.2
Oct 1996
Pp.271-286
Asian Folklore Studies
The people of Hue, the former capital of Annam, have preserved many traditions, cults, and ceremonies that attempt to explain and control the vagaries of fortune. When they wish to contact the world beyond and understand the reasons for sickness and distress they turn to a group of practitioners known as thay. Thay is a term of respect meaning "teacher" or "master," and is followed by a qualifier indicating the practitioner's specialty. The term thay thus covers a wide range of practitioners; I have chosen to apply it to the entire network of people so addressed by the inhabitants of Hue. The diversity of their activities provides an excellent example of the religious pluralism of this Indochinese people, who live in an area where a number of cultural and religious traditions meet. At the beginning of this century much information about the spiritual customs and beliefs of the Vietnamese was gathered by French colonial officers, some relying on secondhand information from Vietnamese informants (DIGUET 1906, COULET 1930) and others producing more substantial reports. Georges DUMOUTIER (1908), a genuine researcher, gave rich and detailed descriptions of Vietnamese physiognomists and their system of interpreting the human face. Leopold CADIERE (1984), a Catholic priest who lived in Hue Province for more than thirty years (and who is buried there), compiled a competent and quite extensive survey of religious practices and beliefs relating to birth, death, trees, and stones, to mention just a few of the areas he studied. Perhaps because he was a priest, however, he made little effort to understand his data in a systematic fashion, leading to such debatable decisions as the inclusion of the thay in the category "superstitions." Two remarkable studies have been published in French on the subject of spirit mediums and possession. One concerns North Vietnam in the 1950s (DURAND 1959), and the other deals with North Vietnamese repatriates in France during the 1960s (SIMON and SIMON BAROUH 1973). The books describe the mediums' ceremonies, their pantheon, and their social organization, but the discussion of possession is pretty much limited to the collective communal practice known as len dong (ride the servant). There is no consideration of the role of the medium as a healer who, in the context of private family ceremonies, addresses the problems of the individual. Since the 1975 revolution most thay have hidden their activities, even therapeutic practices and simple rituals to communicate with the spirits, because of the Marxist government's efforts to suppress "superstitious activities." Fortune-telling, astrology, and the divination of auspicious days nevertheless continue on a daily basis, even, probably, among the government leaders themselves.(1) I have visited Hue regularly since 1990, conducting fieldwork there between September 1992 and September 1993. My research focused on the healing practices of the boat people (sampaniers)(2) living on the Perfume River. During this time I met several thay, recorded interviews with them and their visitors, and observed their practices and many of their ceremonies. The present article begins with a description of the various types of thay practitioners, then illustrates the similarities and differences in function, at the same time devoting special attention to the place they occupy in society. Unreferenced quotes are from interviews with Hue-area thay, whom I prefer to keep anonymous for their protection. This report is primarily descriptive in nature, presenting the testimony of the thay themselves, introducing something of the spiritual beliefs found in Hue, and showing some of the opportunities available to the individual for addressing existential problems. It is my hope that this article will contribute to future comparative studies with neighboring countries and other provinces in Vietnam so that we might arrive at a deeper understanding of the various Southeast Asian folk belief systems and the relationships between them. The Thay Phap (Master of Magical Verses) The most popular and visible among the thay, and the one most tolerated by the authorities, is the thay phap. His high status is due to his mastery of the written Chinese language and, in some cases, of the ancient Vietnamese script (nom), skills that are rather unusual nowadays. The thay phap's practices are presently experiencing a certain revival, though legal restrictions still remain. "For two years now we have been able to work, but not to unite," said one of my informants. A master from a community near Hue commented, "The association still exists, and when the local People's Committee accepts it we are able to practice certain of the family rites. But it all depends on the region. In areas without much freedom the thay cannot show themselves. In this village I can do anything I like, but in others such activities are forbidden. Ours is not a free profession." The thay phap learns his craft from a master, with whom he may live for many years or, at the very least, visit regularly for the purpose of study. He must pay for this education, though he also receives payment whenever he performs a ceremony. Sometimes a master teaches the occupation to his son, but may at the same time receive other students in his home. At present the better-known thay phap generally have several students, since during the more than fifteen years that they had to hide themselves they were unable to transmit their knowledge to anyone except immediate family members. In the center of the thay phap's house one usually finds a large altar topped with an empty throne; this is dedicated to the Jade Emperor, Ngoc Hoang, the Taoist deity who governs over the workings of destiny.(3) Thay phap do not claim to be Taoists, however. Some may have attended ceremonies at the local Taoist temple, but others are not even aware of its existence.(4) If anything the religious interests of the thay phap are eclectic. "I'm going to a Buddhist pagoda," a thay phap once told me, "one needs the three religions" (tam giao).(5) Thay phap who worship Lao Tzu (called by them Thai Thuong Lao Quan) will often hang the sage's portrait above the altar. Next to this are shelves lined with the books used by the thay phap. Some are works on Chinese divination, which he refers to when people consult him about major decisions. "Before a marriage," a thay phap commented, "I see if the birth dates of the bride and the groom match. Later the couple invites me to the reception." Certain texts are used for the rituals in which the thay phap petitions for the intercession and protection of the spirits. The thay also uses his books to divine the cause of sickness, since it is believed that the place and date of the patient's birth destine him or her to certain maladies. The thay phap can interpret the influences of Heaven, which is why he is consulted when an auspicious day or hour must be chosen for some activity. In the past the imperial observatory issued a calendar every year that listed a certain number of auspicious days, as determined by the heavenly constellations.(6) The thay phap are also active in ancestral rites and mourning ceremonies (especially in those for the evil dead). I have seen, for example, a thy phap performing the annual rite for the founding ancestors (ky cao) of a family group (van) of sampaniers on the Perfume River. Assisted by his students and accompanied by a group of musicians, he read the placets(7) for the family in a long ceremony, a kind of litany to the spirits. Quite often the thay phap maintains the family register from which he recites the names of the ancestors during this ritual and other such ceremonies as funerals. He also reads texts that are composed or bought for the ceremonies, draws up funeral tablets, and writes on the cloth banderoles that hang from the long bamboo poles inserted into the ground when somebody dies. Although not traditionally in charge of the task, the thay phap is now asked by the sampaniers to read the placets in their rites for fishermen (cau ngu), since no one in the sampaniers' own community knows how to do so anymore. The thay phap is also invited to read the lists of names during the rites for the founding ancestors and spirits of hamlets and villages. "If there is a celebration for a village I decide on the date and conduct the ceremony. Everybody in the village and neighboring communities invites me," a thay phap in an isolated rural area told me. Another important activity of the thay phap is dealing with sickness and misfortune. The thay phap take their knowledge essentially from their texts, basing their diagnoses on horoscopes or fortunes. None of the seven thay that I met ever enters a state of possession, and thus none practices in the way a medium does - that is, they do not enter into a form of communication in which they or the people around them ask questions of the spirits, who answer. They do, however, make requests of the spirits on the basis of the diagnoses they have reached.(8) A renowned thay phap informed me, "If people need me, they come to my house. I have a lot of books and I can help. If there is trouble in a family I ask them to open this book at random, then I identify the reason for the accident or sickness. But I do not wear the scarf and the spirits do not take possession of me. I do not dance for them, I do not sing. The answer is in the script. I read it and that's all." When someone sick comes to consult him, the thay phap first asks the client his date and hour of birth and the time he became ill. The master then turns to his books. As one thay phap explained, "It's like a doctor checking the origins of a disease; to effect a cure you must first check the books to find the sickness and the type of day on which it occurred. If I were to get sick today, for example, I would look up what sort of day today is and find that it is the day linh. I would then look under linh in another book, see what it says, and use the information to perform the rites." Searching his lists of evil beings and their characteristics, the thay phap determines how the patient might have provoked them and thus become ill. In this way he determines the formulas to call the most important of the evil beings in order to destroy them, subdue them, or drive them out of the ill person. Even malicious spirits can be easily deceived because, as a thay phap assured us, they are not very clever. One thay phap summed up the entire process as follows: If someone is ill I can tell them where the sickness comes from. If the cause is spirits (vong) the patient makes offerings and afterwards I heal him. I take the book and three incense sticks, then I pray. For [spirit-induced] diseases, like for those caused by ma quy (diabolic or maleficent spirits), we have to use sacred lyrics. These spirits cause sickness in those they harass. When someone becomes sick he comes to my house and I open my book to find what type of disease it is and what the origin is. For example, I found that these men here work in the mountain cutting trees,(9) and that they should leave the forest when it is bad for them to be there because they are disturbing some of the spirits. The thay phap will visit gravely ill patients whom the doctor has been unable to cure. He attempts to exorcise the malevolent spirits (tru ma or tru, ta) through either threats or conciliation, depending on the diagnosis he arrives at from reading the stars. For this purpose he participates in healing ceremonies led by mediums (thay dong ho), for which he procures special ritual papers to be burnt and at which he sometimes reads the placets. If someone performs the rites without success he should try calling the ngai.(10) The medium burns the ritual papers, mixes them with holy water, and has the sick person drink the mix. Speaking of a female patient, the thay explains: If the papers are not prepared she will become insane. Rites must be performed to protect her so that the maleficent spirit does not seize her anymore. This sick woman came first to see me, then visited the medium. You must consult the book and then carry out the rites. In this way you can understand what kind of illness it is, on what type of day it started, and at what time it will be gravest. If the cause is not a spirit then the patient must take medicine. In order to protect families from problems caused by the spirits of the dead (family or otherwise), the thay phap writes texts that the medium keeps at the foot of his altar. I also make koan [letters of recommendation] to be left with the medium on behalf of children who are difficult to raise. For example, there are people whose children refuse to eat properly. Such people come to my home and I write passages on fabric; these are papers directed toward earlier generations. For example, aunts who died childless (co ruot) and subsequently harass their relative's children are a type of ma trung, family ghost. You have to write a koan to protect these later generations. The thay phap also writes the ritual papers that are attached to houses to protect the family and discourage ghosts from entering. He participates in the construction rites for new buildings by preparing a piece of red cloth with the Taoist symbol for yin and yang in its center, accompanied by some magical words asking the beneficial spirits for protection. The thay phap can cure some mental illnesses but not all. This is a task that many thay are unwilling to accept, since it is less well accepted and involves greater risks at a variety of levels. In those cases where demons (ma quy) are involved I can help but not in cases of neuropathy (than kinh). There you have to see a doctor. I can usually help with sickness caused by ghosts (benh ta), though not always, since there are so many types of spirits (am binh) causing problems. It is important to call the spirit that gave rise to the sickness. Binh are soldiers and the am are the dead who have nobody to perform the rites for them. They are those who died at sea and those who died in the hills. They may be traders or soldiers who died in accidents. The effectiveness of the cure depends on the identification of these spirit forms. Sometimes one can heal in a matter of days, sometimes it may take years. But I have stopped working with people like this. The thay phap also performs public or private ceremonies relating to construction, with the thay asking the local spirits for protection. In this they are distinguished from the thay phong thuy, the geomancers who practice the Chinese science of phong thuy (wind and water). The latter's duties precede those of the thay phap, involving calculations related to the location and positioning of the house, tomb, road, bridge, canal, or whatever else is to be built in order to determine whether the site is indeed appropriate. For additional income the thay's family often makes cult objects out of paper, objects like dolls, clothing, shoes, hats, and boats. They make these for themselves and for the mediums, who may then sell them to stores or at their own place. Because of their use of paper the thay have come to be known in ordinary speech as "the ones who perform rites with paper." The most renowned thay phap rely exclusively on activities involving the use of paper, especially in the more populated areas. With the boom in construction and the increase in economic decisions that have to be taken, their advice is often solicited and their profession quite profitable. On the other hand, we met a thay phap in a rural zone who told us he could not earn a thing because people were so poor that they could not pay for the rites after they bought the offerings, paper objects, and pieces of fabric with the texts written on them. The richest of the thay phap dress up lavishly for the ceremonies, donning a kind of silk kimono, embroidered shoes, and a three-cornered hat with pendants. The more modest are content with the long traditional black tunic (ao dai) with long tails over white trousers, and the black headband worn by men. To recapitulate, the thay phap are active in public and private ceremonies involving local spirits, the ancestors of a family, and the founders of a village, in rites to cure sickness, and all other activities involving the use of texts to communicate with the world beyond. The Thay Cung (Master of Ceremonies) The thay cung are a type of lay Buddhist "master." They are people who were brought to Buddhist temples at a young age, invested with the novice's robe, and taught the ancient Vietnamese characters along with written Chinese. Otherwise they remain laymen throughout their lives. The thay cung do not consider it necessary to possess extraordinary powers - it is sufficient that they study seriously and lead an honest life according to the Buddhist precepts. The thay cung dedicate their lives to the Buddha, who is regarded as the protector of humanity. The numerous texts they use do not differ fundamentally in function from those of the thay phap. One thay cung told me that the Buddhist texts contain as many as 8,400 ways to help people live better. These are the counsels left by the Lord Buddha in his infinite wisdom. The thay cung, like the thay phap, are active principally in private homes, where he conducts ceremonies and prayers: rites of thanksgiving, funerary prayers at the time of mourning (cau sieu), rites to request happiness (cau am), rites to change a person's destiny (thuc man), rites to expel evil spirits haunting young children (quan sat), and various other rituals such as the recitation of texts during the construction of a house. He also serves as a fortune-teller, using horoscopes to determine the best dates for weddings. The thay cung sometimes use small pagodas or special altars (dien) consecrated to the Buddha or his feminine form Quan Am, as well as to the Holy Mothers (thanh mau). Although thay cung are fervent Buddhists with altars to Buddha Sakyamuni in front of their ancestral altars in the center of their homes, many admit to visiting the temple of Hon Chen to pray to the Holy Mother of the Sky, Thanh Mau Thien Y A Na. This is necessary because, when called upon to treat maladies caused by evil spirits, they must address the saints, spirits, or mandarin deities of that pantheon. Furthermore, in such cases they must frequently work with the mediums, who are not literate. The thay cung, with his ability to write, adds the virtue of the written word to the rite. The thay cung recite the same printed placets that the thay phap does; dressed in a long grey garment similar to the robe of monks, they chant the text while beating time on a wooden drum (mo), as the Buddhists do when they recite the sutras. He also uses other temple objects, such as the small bells that are thought to drive away evil spirits in the rites of exorcism. He also administers paper amulets that are burned and then swallowed, or are kept on one's person, placed under one's pillow, or put under the roof of the house. These amulets do not differ greatly from those collected from mediums who use ideograms as well as a system of characters claimed to be Sanskrit (phan) though resembling Tibetan much more (but being neither of these). The thay cung can, however, use texts to make amulets appropriate for different occasions. To sum up, the thay cung's activities relate primarily to private rites and worship, especially in the case of funeral ceremonies; he treats certain diseases where a supernatural cause is suspected, and also gives information related to horoscopes and thus to the events of life. The Thay Dong Ho, the Medium(11) The thay dong ho (a name apparently peculiar to Hue) does not come to his profession as the result of a long apprenticeship like the thay phap or thay cung. Rather, he is chosen by the spirits, generally after a long and painful illness, and is thus under oath to serve them. In the process of his selection he experiences the classical transformation from pathological possession to a ritual possession of a sacrificial type. From this process he derives his power to heal. The thay dong ho also makes amulets (bua) or talismans (ngai) for protection against ghosts (ma), malevolent spirits (ma quy, am binh), and evil dead or wandering spirits (co hon). When performing a diagnosis, the thay dong ho first determines what kind of ghost is involved, how to rid the patient of it, or how at least to reach an agreement with it. Both as a medium and as a healer or protector, the thay dong ho is able to distribute benefits only because he himself serves and is under the protection of a powerful spirit, whom he calls master. This spirit protects his fate (thay ho mang) and "rides" him regularly during seances to give him advice on healing. The protectors of the sampanier mediums are, curiously enough, the Thuong (a word that generally means "high," but is used to refer to the Montagnards, the non-Vietnamese mountain-dwelling populations). Many mediums claim descent from the ninth prince of the mountains, Chin Thuong Ngan, whose wooden sculpture they keep on the altar in their floating houses. For ceremonies in which they call their spirit master, the thay dong ho smoke pipes and wear necklaces and clothing decorated with a flower design. These accessories are all associated with the mountain people (kinh) in the Vietnamese imagination. The thay dong ho also revere the tiger,(12) an image of which is present at the base of every altar. They regard the tiger as a powerful spirit, especially effective for curing infants' sicknesses. Some of the mediums possess skulls and bits of bones, teeth, and claws that they use for protection and healing, and that they guard like precious relics. Their altars are surrounded with flags of different colors: red, white, blue, yellow, and green. Sometimes the medium waves these flags over the head of patients during exorcism rites in an effort to chase away evil spirits. The medium stores his amulets in a coffin placed before the altar. The amulets are pieces of white or yellow paper on which ideograms of a kind are scribbled with brush and red ink, with special seals dipped in the same ink sometimes added. Believed to bring good luck, these amulets contain cinnabar, a reddish mercury oxide, and are given at times to families who have to safekeep them for a time in a place specified by the medium. A medium who diagnoses an illness in a child may also obtain a text written by a thay phap for the generals of the otherworld, asking them to protect the sick child. The texts are regarded as talismans (bua), though some see them as contracts with the malignant spirits. In most cases they are written in red and black on pieces of yellow (rarely white) fabric. "If a child does not want to eat," says a medium, "I have a letter made requesting the ngai to nourish the child until he reaches twelve. This is written on a piece of fabric. In a certain way I am like the mailman." This practice is most commonly employed for children difficult to feed and raise. It is also used to protect pregnant women who have previously miscarried a child, and to aid families haunted by the above-mentioned co ruot spirits. In ceremonies that involve spirit-possession by the medium he is assisted by different "servants," known as dong or ong dong in the case of men and ba dong or ba cot in the case of women.(13) After the spirit invoked by the medium comes it may incarnate itself in one after another of these persons, who then speak in its name. The dong wears a scarf and tunic that varies in color depending on what spirit is called. When the spirit arrives the dong shivers, then utters a loud shriek. If the dong is dancing to chau van (songs of praise that accompany the rite), he may collapse for a few seconds. In certain seances several dong may enter the action alternatively as a means of calling up a variety of spirits. The mediums share the common people's life. Generally they drink only a little rice alcohol (ruou thuoc) that they mix with roots, flowers, leaves, or animals as a kind of medicine or tonic. They must never be intoxicated during a ceremony. The thay dong ho are traditional practitioners who integrate the powers of a medium with a more or less sophisticated knowledge of traditional Vietnamese medicine and medicinal plants. They pray to a complex pantheon derived from both Taoism and Confucianism but also including the local beliefs and cults of Hue. Some of these are believed to originate with the Cham people, who lived in the area before the Viet came. The Thay Phu Thuy (Sorcerer, Master of Amulets and Water) Like the mediums, the thay phu thuy derive their powers from higher spirits, whom they conjure to earth. The spirits then possess the thay phu thuy, using the practitioners' bodies to speak through. The thay phu thuy are called the masters of amulets (phu) and water (thuy) because they so often use water in their rites. They are regarded as sorcerers, and are believed to possess such evil powers as the ability to make people sick, change the course of their lives, and drive them crazy. They are also thought capable of hypnotizing people, finding those who are lost, suggesting ideas from long distances, and arousing the passions with love elixirs. Presently it is quite difficult to meet this type of practitioner in the urban areas because they are outlawed, and also because they frighten the inhabitants so much.(14) It is said that if you are possessed by a thay phu thuy it is quite difficult to rid yourself of his spirit unless you are able to find a more powerful sorcerer to break the spell. According to the sampaniers there are very powerful thay phu thuy among the Thuong. In other mountainous regions they are also called thay mo or thay tao. The Thay Boi (Fortunetellers) The thay boi, a well-known and regularly visited figure in the local public square, is primarily consulted for the purpose of divination or fortune-telling. Called thay so in some regions, he is not thought of as possessing any real magic powers. His methods are varied. He may read the client's palms and face, use old coins or large beans to predict future events, or make skillful calculations on the basis of the client's birth date. The thay boi is an important part of Hue society, and is regularly consulted at the beginning of the year, before important decisions are made, or after unfortunate events (other than illnesses). DUMOUTIER (1908) affirms that some thay boi are itinerants, working in the streets wherever they wander. He distinguishes them from the thay coi chi tay (palmists) and the thay tuong so (physiognomists who analyze the face by dividing it into twelve sections, each one corresponding to a certain realm such as destiny, wealth, or family). I never came across such distinctions in Hue, where the thay boi engage in all of these different practices, though they may have one area in which they are particularly competent. The Thay Lang and Thay Dong Y(15) The they lang is a doctor of traditional Eastern medicine who moves from marketplace to marketplace making injections and selling different kinds of drugs. The thay lang generally has few formal qualifications, and does not possess a university education. Some mediums hide their esoteric and spiritual practices under the guise and name of the thay lang. In some ways the thay lang is similar to the thay dong y, except that the latter has a more commercial function. The thay dong y is an Oriental doctor who practices acupuncture, acupressure, moxibustion, and bloodletting (phlebotomy). He also prescribes and prepares herbal medicines according to the pharmacopoeia of northern and southern Vietnam (thuoc bac and thuoc nam). His practice is totally legitimate and has deep roots in Asian history. I mention him here because he is part of the repertoire of Vietnamese medicine. His practice is based on the rich body of Sino-Vietnamese medicine that is based on traditional Asian notions of energy, the balance of hot and cold, and equilibrium between the five elements. This ensemble of practitioners is to some extent peculiar to Hue.(16) Its members offer a wide range of skills and activities to answer the various needs of Vietnamese life, yet each practitioner maintains his own specific clientele depending on the sociocultural stratum he serves. Next to the they lang and the thay dong y, who, with their long history as medical practitioners are easily approached, the most sought after are, no doubt, the diviners. Even if young "scientific types" do not give much credence to these practices, the curiosity to explore them often outweighs the will to resist. Although young people claim not to believe in the fortune-tellers, they do not hesitate to consult divining sticks before wedding ceremonies and at the pagoda during the traditional New Year's visit. The thay phap too are frequently consulted. They often participate in the ancestral rites held by prestigious and tradition-minded families. The function they are most commonly asked to perform is the preparation of talismans to be placed under the roof during the construction of a house or boat. The thay cung develop a network of clients centered on the pagoda. Although officially outlawed, they are said to exercise their skills even in homes of Communist cadres, who have them come in secret if, for example, their sick child is not getting better. Their robe alone, connecting them to the Buddha, bestows a certain aura on them that protects them. The thay dong ho are for the most part socially invisible because their activity - possession - is severely suppressed. Some of them have suffered fines, beatings, or short-term imprisonment. I visited one medium, who lived on the land in a remote rural area, at night under great precautions. Because of threats from the police he now restricts his activities to saying prayers and giving offerings. I visited another medium in a place of spirit worship (and was subsequently arrested by the police). I have also been able to work with several of them who live on the lagoons and on the river. Their clientele is mostly petty merchants and illiterate people from the lower classes, devotees of the len dong celebrations. These practitioners may be categorized according to several characteristics: their education; their level of familiarity with the various writing systems; the type of references they use in their practice; their relations, or lack of them, with spirits, ghosts, or wandering souls; the general nature of their activities as therapeutic, informative, or maleficent; and, finally, the economic aspects of their activities. I have tried to organize these criteria in the summary table. Although certain practices, such as the use of astrology, are performed in a similar manner by several types of thay, I wish to emphasize the complementarity of their approaches and functions. I am particularly interested in those dimensions of their therapies in which the patient follows a path of healing that requires the use of Eastern and Western medicine as well as consultation with thay phap or thay cung, who, in turn, work with the mediums (unless the latter detect the influence of an evil spell, and are unwilling to risk interfering with the work of a sorcerer). The various religiophilosophical systems of Vietnam operate in a complex form of syncretism to produce the concept of the human body and the view of life, destiny, and human freedom held by these practitioners. The traditional religion of Vietnam can be grasped only with some difficulty within frames apparently too rigid to catch the luxuriance of the reality that pervades the collective and the individual life in its most solemn as well as its most everyday aspects. This luxuriance, the result of deep beliefs and habitual rites solidly rooted in the history of the Vietnamese people, and of the influence of outside forces and borrowings, reaches in certain aspects the highest points of a rich religious meditation, and in other aspects it harks back to the most archaic religions. (Translation of SIMON and SIMON BAROUH 1973, 73) The presence of so many types of thay mediating the relations between humans and the world beyond, as well as their participation in so many facets of everyday life, clearly illustrate the incomparable richness of traditional Vietnamese spiritual life, especially in the culturally rich and geographically central region of Hue. They also testify to the involvement of the people in an all-embracing system of individual, communal, and cosmic references. It is intriguing to note that interest in these traditional practices is experiencing a revival, and this at a time when acute cultural and social change is combining with an opening of the country to greater access to the scientific and materialistic modernity of the West. NOTES * This research was made possible by a Lavoisier grant from the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 1. This is the case in many Asian countries, where the calendar is a complex affair and the days are classified according to how auspicious they are. 2. The word sampanier comes from the type of boat known as a sampan in Chinese (sampan means "three boards," which is what the boats are said to be made of). The sampaniers are a Vietnamese population that lives a seminomadic existence on these boats. They are so marginal that a rich body of traditional beliefs has been preserved among them. 3. The Jade Emperor is assisted in this task by the South Star (Nam Tao) and the North Star (Bac Dau), which presides over the destiny of human beings and holds the Emperor's register of fate. 4. The Taoists, for their part, do not acknowledge the thay phap. According to the priest of the local Taoist temple, "The thay phap are misguided. They do not maintain tradition and are unaware of the theory behind their practices. Expounding on the Tao is quite difficult since its rules are strict and rigorous. If someone is sick, one must respect the rules of Tao in order to know which illness it is and look it up in the collection of books. To regard the thay phap as Taoist priests is incorrect. The right titles for Taoist priests are phap su, or dao su." 5. The three religions are Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism. 6. As mentioned by Nicole Louis-Henard (in PHAN Ke Binh 1980, 2:149). 7. Known in Vietnamese as so. A placet is a liturgical text written or printed in black ink on a yellow piece of paper and addressed to the representatives of the other world, both as a request and an act of reverence. 8. "We call everyone except those of the hoi dong," a thay phap commented. "When reading the placets we call the spirits and beg them to cure the sick." The hoi dong is an ensemble of people of the other world that the mediums refer themselves to. 9. Spirits are said to dwell in the trees. 10. Ngai literally means "he." It is a way to refer to the spirit without having to use its name. The designation indicates both the people's respect for and ignorance of this spirit. The mediums always told me that "He" acts as a beneficial being only, perhaps because they are always careful about what they say. The sampaniers did not always share this viewpoint. 11. I propose "master servant protector" as a preliminary translation. I have been unable to find the term in the literature available to me. 12. The tiger also has an altar and a statue at the Hon Chen temple. This temple is dedicated to the Mother of the Sky, who is highly venerated by the mediums. 13. The practice called len dong (to mount the servants [dong]) exists in other forms that are not systematically therapeutic but comprise a kind of collective seance. 14. I had no chance to meet a thay phu thuy during the time I did the research for this report. People always refused to lead me to the mountains, and I did not insist since such a visit would have been bothersome both for them and for me. Because this part of my research was not officially approved, my information on the thay phu thuy remains somewhat limited and "secondhand." 15. The information about these traditional medical practitioners comes from the academic literature on Sino-Vietnamese medicine published in Europe. 16. During my research I heard no mention of the thay tiep (master of lethargic sleep). 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