p. 1 Inscriptions Here our task is to compile the various inscriptions which still linger on the remnants of the pillars of the Jewel-walk shrine, the edges of the upper surface of the covering stoneslab of the old Diamond-throne and the different parts of the old Stone-railng; and as regards the old Stone-railing, both those which were incised when it was first erected or repaired, and those which were incised in after ages having no bearing on the history of its construction. We are to offer our own readings and interpretations only in those cases where previous attempts have proved unsatisfactory; in the remaining cases we are to remain content with quotations from previous publications. But the grouping and arrangement of the inscriptions are to be entirely our own. 1. Purva-Pasana-Lekha: Writings On The Old Stone-Railing The writings on the old Stone-railing consist of certain Brahmi inscriptions found engraved on some of the railpillars, the rail-bars and the coping-pieces. Along with these may be considered those consisting of certain Brahmi letters on the shafts and fixed bases of the pillars of the Jewel-walk- shrine, and a mutilated inscription on the upper edge of the outer Vajrasana or Diamond-throne. p. 2 The Brahmi letters on the shafts and fixed bases of the pillars of the Jewel-walk-shrine were nothing but some visible signs or marks to indicate (1) which of the pillar-shafts was meant for which of the fixed pillar-bases, and (2) the relative position of these pillars and their fixed bases set up in two rows on two sides of the raised platform inside the Jewel-walk-shrine. As Sir Alexander Cunningham points out, in each row there were eleven pillars, each of the pillar-shafts and fixed pillar-bases being marked with a separate Brahmi letter and the same letter marking the fixed pillar-base as well as the corresponding pillar-shaft. Thus in each row of eleven pillars there were two rows of Brahmi letters, the row on the south side of the platform representing two series of eleven vowels, one on the line of fixed pillar-bases and the other on that of pillar-shafts, and the row on the north side of the platform representing two series of the first eleven consonants, one on the line of fixed pillar-bases and the other on that of pillar-shafts. The eleven vowels comprised, according to Cunningham, a, a, i, i, u, u, e, ai, o, au and ah, and the eleven consonants were ka, kha, ga, gha, na, ca, cha, ja, jha, na, and ta.(1) No one can reasonably doubt the accuracy of Cunuingham's statement except with regard to the specification of ah as the eleventh vowel. If it be that Cunningham had actually found the ah mark on the eleventh fixed pillar-base, we would have no grounds for reasonable doubt. In the Indian alphabetical system ah being rather a vowel-sign than a vowel-letter, it would seem more probable that the eleven Vowels were a, a, i, i, u, u, r, e, ai, o, and au. We have to understand from Cunningham's own statement(2) that he observed just six letters, the volwel a on the westerly pillar-base in the southern row, and the consonants ka, ga, ca, ja and to on the five pillar-bases in the northern row.(3) The vowel a was traced also ______________________ 1. Cunningham's Mahabodhi, p.8. 2. Ibid., p.16. 3. See Pl, I, No.I. p. 3 on a pillar-shaft, which now stands on the westerly base of the northern row.(l) The fact that this shaft is marked with the letter a is enough to prove that it stood originally on the westerly base of the southern row. The list published by Dr. Luders on the strength of Sir George Grierson's paper contains the letter a, ka, na and ca.(2) Of the six letters noticed by Cunningham, the letter a was traced on the shaft and also on the fixed base of the first pillar of the southern row, counted from west to east; the letter ka was found on the first pillar-base of the northern row, opposite a; and the remaining four letters, ga, ca, ja and ta, were found on the 3rd, 7th, 8th and 11th bases of the same northern row. Irresistible is the conclusion drawn by Cunningham from these data, that the eleven pillars of the southern row were serially marked with eleven vowels and those of the northern row with the first eleven consonants, the pillars being observed and counted in each row from west to east. The letter a as was found by Cunningham on the base and the same letter as he found it on the pillar-proper represent two different forms, in each of which, however, the two left strokes meet the vertical line, leaving a small space between them. The letter ka is dagger-shaped, that is to say, it appears in the form of a plus sign with the lower part of the vertical stroke longer than the upper. The letter ga shows a prominently rounded top, instead of being sharply angular. The letter cha is of a double-looped butterfly pattern. The letter ja appears in a form in which the two semi-circular curves meet each other vertically in a straight line instead of forming a loop in front. And the letter ta represents a vertically set segment of a circle. __________________ 1. Cunningham's Mahabodhi, Pl. IV. 2. List of Brahmi Inscriptions, No. 938. p. 4 All these letter-marks may go to show that the masons, craftsmen or artists, employed to fashion and set up the pillars and their fixed bases, hailed from or, at least, had to do their work in, that part of India where Brahmi was the prevalent form of writing. The order of eleven vowels in the southern row and that of the first eleven consonants may serve to prove either (1) that the pillars and their fixed bases were serially set up in each row from west to east, or (2) that these were marked with letters in this order. The difference observed in the two forms of the same letter a, as it was incised on the piller-base and on the corresponding pillar-shaft, has, perhaps, to tell its own tale. Having regard to the fact that these two forms of a distinguish the majority of the inscriptions on the old Stone-railing, we may be inclined to think that the pillar-bases and the pillar-shafts were marked by two different scribes or 'engraver-writers' (lekhaka, lipikara). In the absence, how ever, of the remaining pillar-shafts and their letter-marks, it is impossible to hazard any more than a surmise or conjecture about the marking of tile pillar-bases sud pillar-shafts by two scribes. Cunningham has rightly observed that the arrangement of letters on the pillars of the two rows "has an important bearing on the antiquity of the Indian alphabet, as it shows that the several characters had already been arranged in their present groups as gutturals, palatals, cerebrals, dentals, labials, semi-vowels, and sibilants." On the surviving fragments of the old Stone-railing we can trace as many as twenty-two votive labels engraved on seventeen rail-pillars, rail-posts and gate or corner pillars, three Pail-bars and two coping-pieces. In all these labels we find the use of altogether twenty-one letters and seven letter-signs, as the subjoined two tables will indicate:-- 1. Table of Letters Vowels--a, i. p. 5 Consonants--ka, kha, ga, gha, --, ca, --, ja, --, na, ta, --, --, --, --, ta, --, da, dha, na, pa, --, ba, --, ma, ya, ra, --, va, --, --, --, sa, --, --. 2. Table of Letter-signs Signs for a, i, u, e, o, m, ra, stop. As regards the Brahmi letter-forms, their importance lies in the fact that they enable us at once to divide the votive labels broadly into two groups, the first comprising those inscriptions in which one of the two forms of the letter a detected on some of the pillar-bases is associated with that form of the anchor- shaped letter ya in which two separate curves at the base meet in the vertical line, and the second comprising those inscriptions in which the second form of the letter a is associated with that form of the anchor-shaped letter ya in which the vertical line stands on a single semi-circular curve at the base. It will also be noticed that in all the labels the letter ka is dagger-shaped; the letter ga is still sharply angular; the letter ta, too, shows a sharp angular form; the letter ja has precisely the same form as on the pillar-bases; the letters gha and pa have each a flat base; the letters ma and va have a triangular body; the letter ra represents a cork-screw pattern; and the vowel-sign for i presents an abruptly out-stretched elongation. It is just in one example that we trace a form of the letter ma, in which the upper stroke stands above a circle without touching each other, precisely as in the form of the letter ma on the Sohgaura Copper-plate and in the Brahrnagiri and two other South Indian copies of Asoka's M.R.E. I. In this particular case the letter a, too, has form different from those noticed above. Thus comparing the Brahmi letter-forms in thes in- p. 6 scriptions, we can discriminate in them three kinds of handwriting, and the conclusion which may be drawn therefrom will undoubtedly be this, that either three different groups of masons, craftsmen or artists were employed, or among the masons, craftsmen or artists employed to do the work in connection with the old Stone-railing, three, at least, had done the work of scribes. As for the Vajrasana inscription, the Brahmi letter- forms are mostly like those of the railing inscriptions. But it will be noticed that the letter ra, so we find it in the Vajrasana inscription, is a simple vertical line, instead of being of a cork-screw pattern. In accordance with their position on the different component parts of the Stone-railing we may conveniently deal with the votive labels by dividing them into three separate groups, the first comprising those inscriptions which are incised on the rail-pillars, the second comprising those incised on the rail-bars, and the third comprising those on the coping-pieces. 1. Those on the Rail-pillars A. Nos. 1-15 [Noticed by Prinsep, JASB., 1836, Vol. V, p. 658, Pl. XXXIII; JASB., 1837, Vol. VI, p. 468, with facsimile; Kittoe, JASB., 1847,Vol., XVI, part I, p.339, with facsimile; Cunningham, ASR, 1871, Vol. I, p. 10, Pls. VII, IX; ASR, 1873, Vol. III, p. 88, Pl. XXVI; Fergusson, Tree and Serpent Worship, p. 130 (facsimile only); R. L. Mitra, Buddha Gaya, 1878, pp. 182 foll; Indraji, IA, 1880, Vol. IX, p. 142; Cunningham, Mahabodhi, 1892, p. 15, Pl. X; Luders, List of Brahmi Inscriptions in EI.1909-10, Vol. X, Nos. 939-42; Bloch, ASI, Annual Report, 1908-9, p. 147.] a. Text on 14 Rail-posts(1) Ayaye Kuramgiye danam [.] "The gift of the Noble Lady Kurangi." ________________________ 1 Sec Pl. I, Nos, 2-13. p. 7 b. Text on one Rail-post(1) Ayaye Kuramgiye dinam [.] "Donated by the Matron Kurangi." [Notes:-- Dr. Bloch has rightly pointed out that "not less than fifteen times (which is to say, on not less than fifteen rail-posts) was met with the following well-known inscription:-- Ayaye Kuramgiye danam," and that "in one instance, the insciption has dinam, which, of course, is Sk. dattam, 'given'." The honorific epithet Aya, Sk. Arya, "the Noble Lady", seems to signify the benevolence and high social position of Kurangi as well as her superior rank as a Buddhist nun or lay woman by reason of her age and advanced spiritual state. In other words, it is not unlikely that Kurangi, as her epithet Aya indicates, joined the holy order of the Buddhists and was held in high esteem for her noble deeds, remarkable personality, high social position as a queen, and spiritual outlook and insight. (See Barua and Sinha's Barhut Inscriptions, note on Aya). Here Aya might, perhaps, be better rendered as "Matron". Cunningham is perfectly right in suggesting that Kuramgi is a female name meaning 'fawn-eyed', or with eyes like the Kuramgi deer. Dinam, even if it mere not due to an error on the part of the scribe, is as good a reading as danam, the use of dinam (=dinnam) as a substantive being not uncommon in Pali (cf. dinnam hoti mahapphalam, where dinnam simply means danam, "a gift" (literally, that, which is given away as a gift).] B. No. 16 [Noticed by Bloch, ASI, Annual Report, 1908-9, p. 147.] Text on another Rail-post(2) Rano Im(dagimi)tra [.......] (S)irimaye [danam.] Text as might be restored Rano Im(dagimi)tra[sa pasada-cetika](S)irimaye [danam.] ___________________ 1. Pl. I, No. 14. 2 Pl. I, No. 15. p. 8 "The gift of Sirima (Srimati), a female donor from the palace of King Indragnimitra." [Notes:--Dr. Bloch is the first to observe that the name of Indragnimitra is met with in a "mutilated inscription on one of the railing pillars, where he appears to have bad the title 'King' (Rano; gen, sing.) added before his name." But, curiously enough, no attempt whatever was made since, either to decipher and restore the text of this inscription or to discuss the whole of its importance. It is quite true, as Dr. Bloch has pointed out, that Indragnimitra has been honoured in this inscription with the title of Raja, "King", It will be seen that the inscription was damaged in the middle on account of a mortice cut through it on that portion of a face of the rail-post where the missing letters were incised. The space covered by the breadth of the mortice is large enough, as will appear from similar spaces on other Pail-posts bearing inscriptions, to contain seven Brahmi letters. As for the restoration of the letters that are now lost, there is hardly any reason for doubting that the letter coming immediately after tra of Imdagnimitra is sa and that the syllable sa is the genitive singular termination: sa = Pali ssa = Sk. sya. The reasons for restoring the remaining six letters as pasada-cetika will be set forth when we come to deal with two inscriptions on two copingpieces. For the equation of the name Sirima with Srimati, the reader is referred to Barua and Sinha's Barhut Inscriptions, note on Sirima devata.] C. No. 17 [Noticed by Bloch, ASI, Annual Report 1908-9, p. 147.] Text on the N. E. Corner-pillar(1) Rano Brahmamitrasa pajavatiye Nagadevaye danam [.] "The gift of Nagadevi, the wife of King Brahmamitra." [Notes:--Pajavati is the same word as the Pali pajapati and the Sk. prajavati. Following the authority of Sanskrit ________________________ 1. Pl. I, No, 16. p. 9 lexicon and literature. Cunningham and Luders have interpreted the word pajavati in the sense of bhratrjaya, "brother's wife'' or "sister-in-law". Bloch has explained this word as meaning "wife" and Buhler, too, has done the same in translating the votive labels on the stone-railings of the Sanchi Stupas(El, vol. II), It would seem that as, on the one hand, the rendering of pajavati by "brother's wife" is wide of the mark, so, on the other hand, the rendering of it as "wife" may seem too wide in denotation. According to Pali Usage, which is clearly illustrated by a passage in the Vanarinda Jataka (Fausboll, No. 57), a wife is to be called a pajapati only when she is with child. Pali passage:--Tasmim pana kale eko kumbhilo sapajapatiko tassa nadiya vasati. Tassa sa bhariya Bodhisattam. aparaparam gacchantam disva Bodhisattassa hadaya-mamse dohalam uppadetva kumbhilam aha. (Now there lived in those days in that river a crocodile and his mate; and she, being with young, was led by the sight of the Bodhisatta journeying to and fro to conceive a longing for the monkey's heart to eat. So she begged her lord). If this be the correct explanation of pajapati, pajavati or prajavati, the text, of the inscription under notice may be taken to imply that, the north-eastern corner-pillar was donated by Queen Nagadevi when she was about to be a mother. But there are certain Pali passages in the Vinaya (Sutta-vibhanga) where the word pajapati has been used in the general sense of "a wife." Here attention may be particularly drawn to two passages: (1) Sutta-vibhanga, Bhikkhu-vibhanga, Sanghadisesa, II. 1, 1, in which the word bhariya, meaning "a wife'', occurs as a synonym of pajapati; and(2) Ibid., Sanghadisesa, V. 1, 1, in which an unmarried girl (apatika kumarika) is said to have been engaged as a suitable bride for an unmarried young man (apajapatikaka kumaraka).] II. Those on the Rail-bars D. No. 18 [Noticed by Cunningham, Mahabodhi, 1892, p. 16, No. 2, p. 10 Pl. X; Luders, List of Brahmi Inscriptions in EI, 1909-10, Vol. X, No. 945.) Text on a Rail-bar(l) Amoghasa danam [.] "The gift of Amogha." [Notes: --The rail-bar bearing the above inscription was removed to and is now exhibited in the Barhut Gallery hall of the Indian Museum, Calcutta, as Bg. 2.] E. No. 19 [Noticed by Cunningham, ASR, 1873, Vol. III, p. 89, Pl. XXVI; R. L. Mitra, Buddha Gaya, p. 184, No. 3; Indraji, IA, 1880, Vol. IX, p. 142; Cunningham, Mahabodhi, 1892, p. 16, No. 3, Pl. X; Luders, List of Brahmi Inscriptions in EI, 1909-10, Vol. X, No, 946; Bloch. ASI, Annual Report, 1908-9, p.156.] Text on another Rail-bar(2) Bodhirakhitasa Ta(m)bapa(m)nakasa danam [.] "The gift of Bodhiraksita, the Tamraparnika--a man belonging to Tamraparni." [Notes: --The rail-bar bearing the above inscription was removed to and is now exhibited in the Barhut Gallery hall of the Indian Museum, Calcutta, as Bg.1. Here the really important word requiring explanation is the geographical patronymic Tambapamnaka, derived from Tambapamni, Pali Tambapanni, and Sk. Tamraparni. Tambapamni, as known to Asoka, was the southernmost land which lay to the south of his Indian empire (R. E. XIII). Rev, A. P. Buddhadatta has collected certain interesting Pali references in the introduction to his edition of Buddhadatta's Manuals (Pali Text Society publication), _________________ 1 Pl. I, No, 17. 2 Pl. I, No. 18. p. 11 which go to prove that the name Tambapanni was applicable not only to the island of Ceylon but also to that part of the Deccan which was situated to the south of the Tambapanni (Tamraparni) river. The Asokan sense, too, does not preclude the possibility of inclusion of this part of South India in the territorial limits of Tambapanni. The account of Prince Vijaya's conquest of Ceylon in the Pali chronicles suggests that the island of Lanka came to be known as Tambapanni, on account of the fact that when Prince Vijaya landed on its sea-shores, the palm of his hand was touched by the copper-coloured particles of sand. We might say that originally the name Tambapanni was restricted to the south-western part of the island of Lanka where the beaches were covered with copper-coloured sand. Gradually, as we may suppose, the name came to be applied and even exclusively applied to the whole of Ceylon. As regards Tambapamnaka of the Bodh Gaya Inscription, Cunningham and Bloch seem to be perfectly right in identifying Tambapanni with Ceylon.] F. No. 20 [Noticed by Cunningham, ASR, 1873, Vol. III, p. 89, Pl. XXVI, 2; R. L. Mitra, Buddha Gaya,1878,p.183, No. 2; Luders, List of Brahmi Inscriptions in EI, 1909-10, Vol. X, No, 947.] Text on a third Rail-bar Patihara . . Na ....danam[.] "The gift of the door-keeper (with Na as the initial of his name).'' Or, "The gift of a man of Pratihara. (the initial of whose name is Na.)" Or, "The gift of (the city-judiciary) of Pratihara." [Notes:--Cunningham who first noticed it found the inscription "to comprise thirteen letters, of which the 5th, p. 12 6th, 8th,9th, 10th, and 15th were illegible. The inseription might, perhaps, be restored as:- Patihara[kasa] Na [... sa] danam[.] Here Patihara may be treated either as an official designation or a place-name, and Na may be treated either as an initial of a personal name, or of an official designation, such as Nagarika.] III. Those on the Coping-pieces G. Nos. 21-22 [Noticed by R. L. Mitra, Catalogue and Handbook of the Archaeological Collections in the Indian Museum, 1883, Part I, pp, 130 foll.; Mahabodhi, 1892, p. 15, Nos. 8-10, Pl. X; Luders, List of Brahmi Inscriptions in El, 1909-10, Vol, X, Nos, 943-4; Bloch, ASI, Annual Report, 1908-9, p. 147.] a. Text on a Coping-piece(1) (Rano Kosi) ki-putrasa Imdagimitrasa pajavatiye jivaputraye Kuramgiye danam [:] raja-pasada-cetika-(Siri)ma(ye) [danam.] b. Text on another Coping-piece [Rano Ko]siki-putrasa Imdagimitrasa pajavatiye jivaputraye Kuramgiye danam [:] raja-pasada-cetika-Si[rimaye danam.] "The gift of Kurangi, the wife of King Indragnimitra, the son of Kausiki,--Kurangi who is the mother of living sons: the gift (as well) of Sirima (Srimati ), a female donor from the royal palace of King Indragnimitra." [Notes:--Cunningham and other Indian epigraphists have agreed in reading the letter before putrasa as ka. With regard to the first inscription, Cunningham was ____________________ 1 Pl. II, No. 19. p. 13 able to note that there were traces of two other letters before ka, the one immediately preceding it being no other than sa. He was led even to think that saka before putrasa might be taken as the latter part of the name of Asoka. The presumption as to the possibility of occurrence of the name of Asoka in these inscriptions is due to a bias under which Cunningham and the rest of the old school of Indian epigraphists conducted their researches. This presumption has no sound basis for its justification, first, because Asokaputra as a personal epithet of King Indragnimitra is meaningless; and, secondly, because the three letters before putrasa may still be read as Kosiki, with the result that King Indragnimitra has been represented in these coping inscriptions as a Kausiki-putra. We can go so far as to suggest that there are traces of two other letters before Kosikiputrasa, and that these may be read as Bano. Even if this suggestion do not bear scrutiny, there is one inscription on one of the rail-posts to prove that Raja, "King", was the title of Indragnimitra, we mean the Bodh-Gaya Stone-railing Inscription, No. 16. The epithet Kosiki-putra is a matronymic like Gagiputa, Gotiputa and Vachhiputa of the Barhut E.Gateway Inscription, not to mention the hosts of other similar matronymics which are met with in both inscriptions and literary texts. As regards Kosiki-putra itself, it may be noted that the List of Brahmi Inscriptions published by Luders includes one inscription (No.94), in which Kosiki is found as a surname of Simitra; a second (No.105), in which Kosikiputra occurs as a surname of Sihanadika; a third and a fourth (Nos.159, 662) in which Kosikiputa is employed as a surname of a Buddhist monk; a fifth (No. 1079), in which Kosikiputa adorns the name of Maharathi Vinhudata; a sixth (No.1100), in which Kosikiputa is an ornament of the name of Maharathi Mitadeva; and a seventh (No.1196) in which Kosikiputta appears as a surname of Nagadatta. Finally, in the ''Sunga Inscription of Ayodhya", edited by Mr. K.P. Jayaswal, we find that p. 14 Kausikiputra has been used as a surname of a high personage. The epithet signifies that King Indragnimitra was a son of Kausiki who was a lady of Kausika or Visvamitra gotra. Cunningham has translated pajavati (Pali pajapati, Sk. prajavati, Bengali poyati) by "brother's wife", and Luders by "sister-in-law''. But it would seem strange that in one inscription Nagadevi should be introduced as pajavati (the "brother's wife" or "sister-in-law") of King Brahmamitra, and in two other inscriptions Kurangi should be introduced as pajavati (the "brother wife" or "sister-in-law") of King Indragnimitra. We cannot but welcome Bloch's rendering of it as "wife" in view of the fact that, according to the Pali usage, the word pajapati is a synonym of bhariya, in some instances it denotes "a wife who has a clear prospect of becoming a mother." Here we have to make a distinction between a pajavati and a jivaputra pajavati. As for the distinction, it may suffice to say that a pajavati is either simply "a wife'' or she is "a wife who is about to be a mother," and a jivaputra(1) pajavati (jivaputrika prajavati Bengali jeyas poyati) is, on the other hand, "a wife who has not only become a mother but can be proud of being a mother of living children." Bloch has rightly remarked that "Indian ladies still consider it a pride to call themselves jivaputra 'a mother of living sons', an expression very familiar to every reader of ancient Indian inscriptions."(2) Kurangi was a jivaputra Pajavati of King Kausikiputra Indragnimitra, King Indragnimitra's wife, who was a mother _______________________ 1. Luders'interpretation of jivaputra in the sense of "daughter" of Jiva" does not deserve any comment. 2. Cf. Asoka's edict on his Second Queen's donations, which contains the king's order directing the high officials at Kausambi to re-label all the donations made by his second queen by inscriptions recording them as: "[Donations] of [his] second queen Kaluvaki, the mother of [Prince] Tivala". p. 15 of living sons. This may help us to explain why in each of the fifteen rail-post-inscriptions Kurangi has been honoured as an Aya (Sk. Arya), "a Noble Lady," "a Matron." Cunningham has regretted the loss of the latter part of these important records. As regards the first coping inscription, he has found traces of eleven Brahmi letters after Kuramgiye danam, the first nine of which read rajapasada-cetika sa. Bloch reads these nine letters as raja-pasada-cetikasa and translates this expression in relation to the preceding words: "(the gift of Kurangi, the wife of Indragnimitra and the mother of living sons), "to the caitya (cetika) of the noble temple", taking the word raja before pasada as an epithet on ornans, distinguishing the temple as a particularly large and stately building similar to such expressions as rajahastin 'a noble elephant', rajahamsa `a goose (as distinguished from hamsa 'a duck'), etc." Cunningham has translated the expression by "the royal palace, the caitya", suggesting that "the mention of the raja-pasada would seem to connect the donor with the king's family," Luders doubtfully suggests "to the king's temple" as a rendering of raja-pasada-cetikasa. Before giving countenance to the hitherto suggested reading and rendering of raja-pasada-cetika sa one has to consider and decide these two points: (1) is the letter, after cetika, sa or si? and (2) what are the three letters after cetika. It can hardly be doubted that the letter after cetika is not sa (the Dative singular termination) but si, and that the three letters may still be read as Sirima. If so, it is not difficult to restore the missing syllables and complete the first coping- inscription as raja pasadaida-cetika-(Siri)ma(ye) [danam], and to complete the second coping-inscription as raja-pasada-cetika- Si[rimaye danam]. We have already dealt with the rail-post inscription, Rano Imdagimitra[sa......] Sirimaye [danam], in which the female donor has in some way been connected with King Indragnimitra. As to the nature of the connection, it all depends on the missing expression which filled p. 16 the middle part of the mutilated inscription. Seeing that the expression raja-pasada-cetika precedes the name of Sirima in the first coping-inscription, it may be safely surmised that the seven missing letters of the rail-post-inscription recorded the expression pasada-cetika after sa of putrasa. Considering the text of the first coping-inscription in relation to that of the rail-post, we find no other alternative than to regard Rano Kosikiputrasa Imdagimitrasa raja-pasada-cetika or Rano Imdagimitrasa pasada-cetika as an epithet of Sirima, in the same way that pajavati jivaputra is an epithet of Kurangi. Now the question is--what does the epithet pasadacetika or raja-pasada-cetika signify? Is there any reference here at all to the temple at Bodh-Gaya? The question must, in our opinion, be answered in the negative for the simple reason that the construction or existence of the Bodh- Gaya temple prior to the visit of Fa-Hian (first quarter of the 5th century A.C.) is inconceivable. Cunningham was perfectly right to suggest that the donor was somehow or other connected with the royal palace. Here the word cetika, a feminine form of cetaka (Prakrit ceyaga), may be consistently interpreted in the sense of datri, "a female donor." Sirima (Srimati) was a female donor from the royal palace of King Indragnimitra. We cannot interpret cetika as "a female attendant unless it is a mistake for cetika. The raja-pasada, "royal palace", may be regarded as the name of a Buddhist monastery built at Bodh-Gaya to commemorate the name of King Indragnimitra, compare, Migaramatupasada, which was the name of the Buddhist monastery built by Visakha, the daughter-in-law of Migara. Our reading and rendering of the two coping-inscriptions will help the reader to ascertain that the two copiog-stones bearing these records were joint donations of Kurangi and Sirima, the former being the elderly wife of King Indragnimitra and the latter a female donor from the palace of the same royal personage. p. 17 IV. That on the Diamond-throne(1) H. No.23 [Noticed by Cunningham, Mahabodhi, 1892, pp.20, 58, Pl. X. 11; Luders, List of Brahmi Inscriptions in EI, 1909-10, Vol.X, No.948.] a. Text on the west and south sides W------? pajaya? aga?ya hitaya; S. mata-(pituno ka)rito [.] b. Text on the north side? [Notes:--Cunningham rightly says that "all that remains of this inscription is so much injured that very little can be read consecutively." There are faint traces of a large number of letters on the western edge, about 35 letters preceding three which one may tentatively read as pajaya. We cannot but agree with Cunningham when he says that towards the end, on the right hand, one may read "the well-known words mata-pita, 'mother and father'." But we must differ from him when he tends to to hold that "the letters certainly belong to the Indo-Scythian or early Gupta period, about the 2nd. century A.C.", and that the two words which distinctly precede mata-pita are patima patithapat, "statue established". It would seem that a new set of letters was incised on an earlier one at a later age, and that the forms of earlier letters are in no way very different from those of the inscriptions of Kurangi and Nagadevi on the rail-posts and coping-pieces of the Old Stone-railing. The language of the earlier inscription, too, seems to bear resemblance with that of the well-known inscriptions of Kurangi and Nagadevi.] Importance of the writings The historical importance of the writings, considered in this section, lies, first of all in the fact that from the __________________________ 1. P1. II, No. 21. p. 18 close similarity of the Brahmi letter-forms, it may be inferred that the Old Stone-railing bearing the donative inscriptions of Kurangi, Sirima, Nagadevi and others, the old Diamond-throne bearing a donative inscription on the upper edges of its covering stone-slab and the Jewel-walk-shrine bearing the Brahmi letter-marks on the shafts and fixed bases of its two rows of pillars were erected at the same time, and, probably, under the auspices of certain common donors. The twofold impression which may be gathered from the study of the votive labels inscribed on the rail pillars and the coping-pieces and which lingers is (1) that originally when the Stone-railing was erected, the rail-bars remained uninscribed, which is to say, that the three railbars recorded as donations of Amogha, Bodhirakhita of Tambapamni and another donor of Patihara(?) were somewhat later additions, and(2) that the entire Old Stone-railing at Bodh-Gaya, together with the Old Diamond-throne and the Jewel-walk-shrine, was a memorable erection of devotional female piety. The first of these two impressions is strengthened as we consider that the length and letter-forms of the inscribed rail-bars, notably that donated by Amogha, differ considerably from those of the uninscribed rail-bars in that portion of the Stone-railing which appears to have been donated only by Kurangi. On as many as fifteen rail-pillars we trace inscriptions recording them in bold letters as donations of Aya Kuramgi. It is only on one of the inscribed rail-pillars that we come across an inscription recording the same to be a gift from Sirima who was connected in some way with King Indragnimitra. Only one of the surviving corner-pillars is recorded to have been a gift from Nagadevi, the wife of King Brah- mamitra. Two pieces of old coping-stones which now survive are labelled each by an inscription, in which Kuramgi and Sirima figure as joint female donors. It is very interesting indeed to find that here Kuramgi has been represented not as Aya, "Noble Lady" or "Matron" but as King Kosikiputra p. 19 Imdagimitra's wife who had the pride of having been a mother of living sons. Both here and in the rail-post inscription, Sirima has been represented as cetika or female donor from the royal palace of King Imdagimitra. The south side of the quadrangular Stone-railing bears only the inscriptions of Kuramgi. From all these facts, the impression cannot but be this, that the Old Stone-railing, and, a posteriori, the two other old shrines were mainly a pious erection of Kuramgi. The Old Stone-railing at Bodh Gaya must have been erected by Kurangi, Sirima and Nagadevi either during the reign of King Indragnimitra or during that of King Brahmamitra. If the inscribed corner-pillar commemorating the piety of Nagadevi, represented as the wife of King Brahmamitra, was donated along with the donations of Kurangi, it is difficult to think that this Stone-railing was erected during the reign of King Indragnimitra, unless it be supposed that Indragnimitra and Brahmamitra reigned together, which seems, however, unlikely. Both Indragnimitra and Brahmamitra, as their names imply, were rulers of the same Mitra family, and, what is more, in the absence of any evidence to prove the contrary, both of them must be regarded as kings of the same place, we mean, of Magadha, Bodh Gaya, nay, the whole of Gaya it being an integral part of the kingdom of Magadha throughout the historical period of its existence. The erection of the inscribed Stone-railing at Bodh Gaya by Kurangi and Nagadevi is not, however, the only reason for assuming that Indragnimitra and Brahmamitra to be kings of Magadha. Over and above this, we find that Bahasatimita (Brhaspatimitra), evidently a king of the same Mitra family, has been expressly mentioned in the Hathigumpha Inscription of Kharavela as contemporary ruler of Magadha (Magadhanam raja ).(1) ____________________ 1. Barua's 0ld Brahmi Inscriptions in the Udayagiri and Khandagiri Caves, I. 13; Jayaswal's reading in JBORS., vol. III, part IV, p. 20 If it can thus be satisfactorily proved that Indragnimitra, Brahmamitra and Brhaspatimitra were all kings of Magadha and rulers of the same Mitra dynasty, it is important to inquire if any clue may be obtained from the inscriptions and sculptures of the Bodh Gaya Stone-railing to the chronological succession of them. So far as the inscriptions of Kurangi and Nagadevi go, these clearly indicate that the Stone-railing was erected when Nagadevi, the wife of King Brahmamitra. (Brahmamitrasa pajavati), was not yet a mother, and when Kurangi, the wife of King Kausikiputra Indragnimitra was an elderly lady, mother of living sons (jivaputra pajavati), honoured in fifteen rail-post inscriptions with the epithet of Aya, "Noble Lady" or "Matron." The epithet Aya may be taken even to suggest that Kurangi undertook to erect the Stone- railing and two other shrines at Bodh Gaya after her retirement from the world, and after she had assumed the vows of a Buddhist nun and resided in a monastery built at Bodh Gaya commemorating the name of King Indragnimitra, her deceased husband, the monastery itself having been known by the name of "King Indragnimitra's Palace" (Rano Imdagimitra [sa] pasada) or "Indragnimitra's Royal Palace" (Indagimitrasa raja-pasada). From this, it may be clearly inferred that the pious donations were made by Kurangi rather when she became a queen dowager to King Brahmamitra than when she remained in her full glory as the queen of King Indragnimitra. In other words, the historical importance of the inscriptions of Kurangi, Sirima and Nagadevi lies in the fact that these, when properly studied, afford us a definite epigraphic evidence to prove that King Brahmamitra was the immediate successor of King Indragnimitra in the throne of Magadha. Now as to the bearing of the sculptures of the Old Stone- _____________________ and vol. IV, part IV; Indraji's reading in Actes du Sixieme International Congres des Orientalistes, part III, sec. II, pp. 152-177. p. 21 railing at Bodh Gaya, it is to be noted that in several instances their designs are inspired by those of the Barhut bas-reliefs, which is to say, that they are posterior to the earvings of the Barhut Inner Railing. As has been shown elsewhere,(1) the Barhut Stone-railing with its quadrants, returns, gateways, carvings and purely ornamental devices is a purely Sunga art and architecture. The ornamental gateways which were pious donations of King Dhanabhuti were last additions that were probably made towards the close of the Sunga-Mitra reign. On the other hand, from a comparative study of certain common representations, notably those of the Sun-god, it becomes increasingly clear that these were handiworks of art of the same period, the Bodh Gaya reliefs appearing to have been somewhat earlier than those of some of the Orissan caves on the hills of Udayagiri and Khandagiri.(2) And fortunately enough, in the Hathigumpha Inscription on the Udayagiri hill, Bahasatimita (Brhaspatimitra) finds mention as the contemporary king of Magadha who was subdued by King Kharavela in the twelfth year of his reign.(3) Thus if any idea of succession of the Mitra kings can be formed on the ground of the close similarity of the handiworks of art, it will be that King Brhaspatimitra, a contemporary of King Kharavela, was the immediate successor of King Brahmamitra during whose reign Kurangi, Sirima and Nagadevi completed their pious erections at Bodh Gaya. If Bahasatimita (Brhaspatimitra), mentioned in the Hathigumpha Inscription as a contemporary of King Kharavela, be taken to be the immediate successor of King Brahma- ___________________________ 1. Barua's paper-- "Age of the Stupa of Barhut'' in the Proceedings of the Fourth All-India Oriental Conference. 2. Barua's Old Brahmi 1nscriptions in the Udayagiri and Khandagiri Caves, pp. 285-6; views of Dr. Stella Kramrisch in Ibid, pp. 310 foll. 3. Ibid., P.45. p. 22 mitra, it is impossible to identify him with Pusyamitra, the Senapati Pusyamitra who is the traditional founder of the Sunga or old Mitra dynasty.(l) As a matter of fact, none of the three above mentioned Mitra kings can be definitely identified with any king either of the Sudga or of the Kanva dynasty.(2) The same remark holds true of three other Mitra kings, (1) Brhasvatimita, represented as the father of the elderly Queen Yasamata in Yasamata's Brick-tablet, found in Mathura(3); and (2-3) [?Dhar]mamitra, mentioned as the father of Visnumitra, and Visnumitra, mentioned as the father of Idragibhadra (Iudragnibhadra) in the inscription of Gautamimitra.(4) On both palaeographic and linguistic grounds the Bricktablet of Yasamata must be assigned to a date, which is earlier than the inscriptions or Kurangi, Sirima and Nagadevi. As regards its palaeography, the Brahmi letter-forms are "still Mauryan."(5) Dr. Vogel feels inclined to assign it on account of the character to "third or second century B.C."(6) And as regards its language, it will be noticed that still the spelling of Jivaputra is Jivaputa. and that of mitra is mita, although Mathura is its find-place. We have been inclined elsewhere to equate Brhasvatimita of this tablet with Brhatsvatimitra or Brhaspatimitra. But now we finally abandon Dr. Vogel's equation of it with Brhaspatimitra and _______________________ 1. K. P, Jayaswal identifies Brhaspatimitra with Pusyamitra mainly on the ground that in the Sankhyayana Grhya-Sutra (i, 26, 6), Brhaspati is mentioned as the presiding deity of the Pusya constellation, See, for criticism, Barua's Old Brahmi Inscriptions, pp. 277-9. 2. Ibid., p. 275 3. JRAS, , 1912, p. 120, where J. Vogel reads: Jivaputaye rajabharyaye Brhasvatimitadhitu Yasamataye karitam. 4 I.H.Q., vol, II, no, 3, p. 442, where N. G. Majumdar reads: ............mamitrasa rano Visnumitrasa dhitu Idragibhadraye dhatiye Gotamiye Mitraye danam thambho. 5 Barua's Old Brahmi Inscriptions, p. 274. 6 JRAS., 1912, p. 120. p. 23 adhere to the first alternative, and hold that Queen Yasamata's father was King Brhatsvatimitra (cf. Pali Behapphala = Behaphala = Sk. Brhatphala), and not Brhaspatimitra. It seems likely that Brhatsvatimitra was the precursor of King Indragnimitra. As for King Dharmamitra and his son King Visnumitra, neither the palaeography nor the language of Gautamimitra's Inscription stands in the way of regarding them as successors of King Brhaspatimitra. There cannot be any serious objection to identifying Kharavela's contemporary Magadhan king Bahasatimita with Bahasatimita of the coins that have been found at Kosam, about thirty miles south-west of Allahabad, and at Ramnagar (Ahichatra) in Rohilkhand, "(1) and with King Bahasatimitra, mentioned in one of the two Pubhosa cave inscriptions as the nephew of King Asadhasena of Adhichatra.(2) Mr. Jayaswal identifies Bahasatimitra of this inscription outside the Pabhosa cave with Pusyamitra on the ground that it assigns the date of excavation of the cave for the residence of the Kasyapiya Arhats to the tenth regnal year of Udaka (Odraka, Odruka or Ardraka) who finds mention in the Puranas as the fifth king of the Sunga- Mitra dynasty.(3) Mr. Jayaswal's theory is untenable, not to say, absurd on the face of it. For if Bahasatimitra were the same person as Pusyamitra, the first king of Sunga- Mitra dynasty, is it not inconceivable that his maternal uncle King Asadhasena could be a contemporary of Udska, the fifth king of the same dynasty? In the absence of the word rajno preceding Udakasa, it is difficult to say at once whether Udaka is the personal name of a king or the local name of the place where the cave was excavated. Dr. Kielhorn, who has edited the two Pabhosa inscriptions for EI, ____________________________ 1. V.A. Smith's Catalogue of the Coins in the Indian Museum, Calcutta, pp.146, 158, 185; JRAS., 1912, P.120. 2. EI., vol. II, p.242. 3. JBORS., vol. III, part IV, pp. 477-8, p. 24 vol.II, observes that all the four letters representing Udakasa are doubtful. There is nothing to prevent one reading them as Udaka(si). And if the Pabhosa expression lenam Karitam Udakasi be on a par with iyam kubha... Khalatikasi of Asoka's Third Barabar Hill Cave inscription, the year dasama-savachara must be interpreted as the regnal year of King Asadhasena himself. The discovery of a purely Sanskrit inscription in Brahmi orthography prior to the birth of Christ,is still pious hope The evidence of the so-called "Sunga Inscription of Ayodhya," published by Mr. Jayaswal, cannot surely be brought forward to prove the case. This inscription, as read by Mr. Jayaswal, yields the following text(1): Kosaladhipena dvir-asvamedha-yajinah Senapacteh Pusyamitrasya sasthena Kausikiputrena Dhana.... dharmarajnih pituh Phalgudevasya ketanam karitam [.]. We prefer to read Sasthena for sasthena, and dharmarajnah(2) for dharmarajnih, and to imagine that the word Dhana... is a genitive form "Dhana..[sya]'', and not an instrumental case "Dhana..[na]". The crux of the inscription lies indeed in deciding (1) whether Sastha is a personal name or it is an ordinal (sastha, ''the sixth, " "sixth son, brother or descendant of Pusyamitra);(3) (2) whether the person who erected the ketana of Phalgudeva was connected by blood with Pusyamitra or not; (3) whether Phalgudeva was the father of the king or of the queen of Kosala; and (4) whether one or two ketanas (perhaps meaning memorial shrines)(4) were erected. In _______________________ 1. JBORS., vol.XIII, Parts III-IV, p.247 2. Ramaprasad Chanda would read rajnah, I.H.Q., vol.V, No.4. 3. Ramaprasad Chanda has sought to establish with some apt quotations from the old strata of the Mahabharata that the ordinal in such a context may be safely taken to mean ''the sixth in descent." I.H.Q., vol.V, No.4. 4. See Ramaprasad Chanda's note in I.H.Q., vol.V, No.4. p. 25 accordance with the interpretations hitherto offered, the ruler of Kosala, named Dhana.., who was the sixth son, brother or descendant of Pusyamitra caused to be made a ketana of Phalgudeva, the father of his queen. But the more plausible interpretation seems to be this, that the ruler of Kosala, named Dhana.., erected the ketana of Pusyamitra, and Kausikiputra Sastha erected the ketana of Phalgudeva, who was the father of the ruler of Kosala. If this be the right interpretation, it follows that the inscription is far from being a record of the Sunga period. Brhatsvatimitra, Indragnimitra, Brahmamitra. Brhaspatimitra, [Dhar]mamitra and Visnumitra were all kings of a Mitra dynasty. Until we are in possession of a definite evidence to connect them either with the Sunga-Mitra or or the Sungabhrtya Kanva kings, it would seem far safer to think with Dr. Raychaudhuri that they belonged to a neo- Mitra dynasty that rose into power on the disruption of the rule of the Kanvas. The interest of Yasamata's brick-tablet is that it shows that the neo-Mitras were connected by a matrimonial alliance with the ruling family of Mathura. The interest of the Pabhosa Cave Inscription is that it shows that they were connected by the same alliance with the ruling family of Ahichatra. The interest of the so-called "Sunga Inscription of Ayodhya" is that it is probably the record of a time when the official language became Sanskrit, and Kosala was still under the sway of some kings whose boasted ancestor was Pusyamitra, the traditional founder of the Sunga-Mitra dynasty. The interest of the Bodh-Gaya inscriptions of Kurangi, Sirima and Nagadevi is that they clearly prove that the Stone-railing was erected during the reign of King Brahmamitra and that Brahmamitra was the immediate successor of King Indragnimitra. The interest of the Hathigumpha Inscription is that it unmistakably proves that Brhaspatimitra, the king of Magadha, was a contemporary and weaker rival of Kharavela. Lastly, the interest of the p. 26 inscription of Gautamimitra is that it definitely proves that King Visnumitra, the father of Indragnibhadra, was the son and immediate successor of King [? Dhar]mamitra. 2. Uttara-Pasana-Lekha: Later Writings On The Stone-Railing The later writings on the Bodh-Gaya stone-railing comprise three inscriptions incised at different periods of time. The first inscription is written on the inner face of a coping-stone belonging to the south side of the Old Stone-railing. It consists of two lines, the beginning and the end of each of which are missing. "The style of writing employed in the inscription allows us", says Dr. Bloch, "to put down the date at about the 6th or 7th century A.D." The second inscription in two lines is written on the inner face of a broken fragment of another coping-stone belonging apparently to the south side of the ancient railing. "Its characters agree in every respect," says Dr. Bloch, "with the writing of the first inscription." And the third inscription in ten lines is written on the upper part of a rail-post. It is written in the Devanagari characters by Samgatta for Jinadasa who has been described as a Pandita from the Parvata country, and may be assigned to as late a date as the 15th or 16th century A.D. The author of the inscription was evidently a learned pilgrim from Nepal or a Himalayan state near about it. A. No.1 [Noticed by Cunningham, ASR., 1873, Vol.III, p.99, No.D. Pl. XXIX; R.L. Mitra, Buddha Gaya, 1878, p.192, No.5, P1.II; Indraji, IA., 1880, Vol. IX, pp.142 foll.; Cunningham, Mahabodhi, 1892, pp.23, 58, P1. XXVII, Luders,List of Brahmi Inscriptions in EI, 1909-10, Vol. X, No.950; Bloch, ASI., Annual Report, 1908-9, p.153.] Text as read and rendered by Bloch l.1 ......karito yatra Vajrasana-vrhad-gandhakuti p. 27 [.] Prasadam = arddha-trikair = ddinara- satais-sudha-lepya-punar-nnavikaranena samskaritam[.] Atr = aiva ca pratyaham = a-candr-arkk-a-tarakam Bhagavate Buddhaya go-sata-danena ghrta-pradipa akaritah[.] Prasade ca khanda-sphatita pratisamaradhane tat-pratimayam ca pratyaham ghrtapradipo go-saten = aparena karitah[.] Vihare=pi Bhagavato raitya-Buddha-pratima(yam go-saten = aparepa ghrta-pradip..... [.] 1.2 ...............(ghrta)-pradipaksayanivini(ba)n(dha)h vihar-opayo(gya) karitas=Tatra =Pi (u) pavogaya mahantam=adharam khanitam, tad-anupurvam c = utpaditam [.] Tad=etat=sarvvam yan=maya puny-opacita-sambharam tan = matapitroh p(urvamgamam krtva...) [.] ............ has been made, where the great Gandhakuti(1) of Vajrasana (sc. Buddha)(l) is. The temple(2) has been adorned with a new coating of plaster and paint, at the cost of 250 dinaras. And in the temple a lamp of ghee has been provided for the Lord Buddha by the gift of a hundred cows, for as long as the moon, sun, and stars shall endure. Also, by another hundred cows, in addition to the cost of small, perpetually recurring repairs to ______________________________ 1. "The word vajrasana (l,I) is occasionally met with as a name of Buddha, the meaning which it clearly has in this inscription." 2."The word gandhakuti means `a chamber, where Buddha used to reside,' hence a shrine, containing an image of Buddha'. It would be useless to try and find out which of the many small shrines, the foundations of which cover the ground all around the temple at Bodh-Gaya, has been referred to in this inccription. Possibly the large temple on the west side of the Bodhi Tree, mentioned by Hiuen Tsiang, may be meant." 3 "The temple (prasada) naturally must have been the same edifice which we still have at the present day, although it certainly has undergone a number of alterations." p. 28 the temple, provision has been made for another lamp of ghee, to be burnt daily before the image inside the temple. By another hundred cows provision has been made for having a lamp of ghee burnt before the brass image of the Lord Buddha in the Monastery (vihara)....... 1.2 ............ a perpetual endowment of a lamp of ghee has been made for the benefit of the Monastery. There also..... a large water reservoir has been dug out for the use of the noble congregation of monks, and to the east of it a new field has been laid out. Whatever merit, may have been acquired by me by all this, may this be for the benefit of my parents at first ..........." [ Notes:--Sir Alexander Cunningham was inclined to take this inscription to be a Brahmi epigraph of so early a date as the reign of Huviska, and to believe that it was intended to record the construction of the Diamond-throne, the Fragrant-chamber and the Bodh-Gaya temple itself. But Dr. Bloch's reading and rendering of the inscription has served to show that it is far from recording such a fact. It is impossible to think that the epigraph is of so early a date as Huviska's reign. The inscription records some work of merit done near about the great Fragrant-chamber enshrining the Diamond-throne, and records also the amount spent for adorning the temple with a new coating of plaster and paint, and, what is more, it contemplates the need of a suitable provision to be made for "perpetually recurring repairs to the temple." The Diamond-throne, the great Fragrantchamber and the temple itself were already there when the inscription was caused to be incised on the coping-stone of the ancient railing. We think it safer to interpret the expression Vajrasana-vrhad- Gandhakuti as signifying an architectural representation of the Diamond-throne retreat of the Buddha than to treat Vajrasana as a name of the Buddha. The inscription must indeed be considered as p. 29 later than the erection of the temple, and referred to a time when the temple needed to be repaired with a new plaster and paint coating.] B. No. 2 [Noticed by Bloch, ASI, Annual Report, 1908-9, p.156; JBORS, 1918, vol. IV, part IV, pp. 405-11]. Text as read and rendered by Panday [1.1] Lanka-dvipa-narendranam Sramanah kula-jo bhavat(l)  Prakhyatakirttir = ddharmatma sva-kula-am- bara-candramah [II (1)] Bhaktya tu bhiksuna-nena Buddhatvam- abhikamksata Kararatna-traye samyak karitah(2) santaye nrnam II (2) Ito(3) maya yat=kusalam hy=uparjjitam Tad = astu bodhaya(4) [1.2] Subhena tenaiva (pha)lena yujyatam [11 (3)] "The virtuous Sramana Prakhyatakirtti having been a descendant of the rulers of the Island of Lanka (Ceylon) (has become) moon to the firmament of his family (v.1)." "This monk, through devotion, desirous of attaining Buddhahood, caused to be performed proper acts of worship at the Ratna-traya [the Buddhist Holy Triad] for the peace of mankind (v.2)." "Whatever merit has been acquired by me through this, _________________________ 1. Bloch reads bhavet, 2. Bloch reads Karita. 3. Bloch reads tato. Panday says, "The first letter of the third verse is distinctly i--two dots with a vertical stroke on the right." 4. Bloch reads tadasty upadh(ya)ya. According to Panday, "The letter after tadastu is bo, not pa". This means indeed a material improvement in both reading and sense. p. 30 let that be for the enlightenment (of).... Let that very auspicious reward be shared by (v. 3)." [Notes: --Here the two words which need explanations are kara and ratna-traye. In the opinion of Dr. Bloch one "can hardly imagine it (kara) to mean 'a prison' as it generally does," and as to Ratna-traya, "it may refer to some sacred spot within the Bodhi area at Bodh Gaya, where, perhaps, a symbol of the 'three jewels'--Buddha, Dharma, and Sangha, may have stood." But Mr. Panday has convincingly proved by a number of apt quotations from the Divyavadana, pp.133, 166, 289, 329, 420, and 583, particularly by one from p.329 (Buddhe Dharme Sanghe karan akarisyat), that kara is "a fairly well known term in Buddhist literature meaning 'acts of worship,' and Dr. Bloch's conjecture as to the existence of a symbol of the three `jewels at Bodh Gaya having the shape of three wheels placed upon a pillar is not tenable." The Ratna-traya is but a collective expression denoting the Budhist Holy Triad enumerated in the Divyavadana passage as Buddha, Dharma and Sangha.] C. No. 3 Text [1. 1] // Name Buddhaya // [1. 2] Parvatadagata-pa- [1. 3] ndita-Jinadasa te- [1. 4] na Sriman Mahabodhi- [1. 5] bhattaraka-darsana- [1. 6] krta-yad punyam ta- [1. 7] dbhavati mata-pi- [1. 8] tr- purvagamam krtva [1. 9] ana(n)ta-punyam likha- [1. 10] pitam // // Samgatta // "Salutation to the Buddha. The merit which is acquired by Jinadasa, a learned man who came from Parvata, the mountainous country, by means of visiting (the place) to p. 31 have a view of the Mahabodhi (shrine which reigns on the spot)in its glory as the supreme lord falls, first of all, to the share of the parents. Having done this infinite work of merit, it is (here) caused to be written. [Written by the scribe] Samgatta."