History of Religions
Vol.37 No.2
Sep.1997
Pp.178-18
Copyright by University o f Chicago
By Rebecca Redwood French. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1995. Pp. xv+404, 64 plates, 17 figures. Unfortunately, the subject matter of French's study, the precolonial law of Tibet under the Dalai Lama's government, is now appropriate to this journal. Pre-1959 Tibet has become history, but it remains, for the time being, within living memory. Dharamsala, the seat of the Tibetan government-in-exile where much of French's research took place, will soon be entirely inhabited by second-generation refugees. French won her race to preserve memories of dispute settlement and administration in 1940s and 1950s Tibet, but it was a close-run thing: her principal informant in Tibetan law whose "opinions and prejudices are the backbone of this work" (p. 11) died while the book was still in draft. To produce an anthropology of law, French has had to struggle with the anthropology of memory. Would her informants' nostalgia convert the jagged Himalayan peaks into "blue remembered hills"? The sensible precautions she has taken to avoid this provide a primer on how to do this kind of fieldwork. Tibetan law, like that of other literature cultures, combines texts and human attitudes toward them. The Tibetan tradition of writing law texts goes back at least five (perhaps fifteen) centuries. We urgently need an analysis of this genre to establish the balance between textual continuity and innovation in the various legal recensions, and I know of a German scholar who has the task in hand. On past form, his work will be misunderstood. Reviewers will enthusiastically describe these texts as "law codes" and assume that they function within Buddhist society much as Napoleon's Code Civile or the California Penal Code function in the West. In fact, the way in which legal practice relates to written codes of law is complex and never fully articulated. The relationship differs between France and California and differs radically between those two cultures and premodern Asia. The Tibetan codes will tell us very little unless we know what use Tibetans made of them: we need a Tibetan practitioner to unlock the real meaning of the Tibetan laws. But where, after 1959, are we to find one? The Tibetan legal specialists were not, as were the Burmese, organized into a formal profession. There was no degree ceremony or practice certificate awarded by the guru to his successful disciple. Nonetheless, we can be pretty certain that French, an attorney in the United States, has also qualified as a lawyer in the Dalai Lama's Tibet. She studied daily for three years with her guru, a high official of the pre-1959 government whose specialty was the legal literature. What this book contains, teased out from mythology, architecture, and ritual, are the unspoken assumptions that make up the Tibetan relationship between legal practice and written law. French gives us the key that will unlock the law codes and reveal the meaning within. This is good news for legal history, but does it concern historians of religion? I hear a heckle from the back of the lecture hall: "We are interested in Tibet qua Buddhism, not Tibet per se. The pre-1959 law will only interest us if it is demonstrably Buddhist." Well, I can assure you that it is. The phrase "legal cosmology" in French's title signals her argument that the Tibetan view of the universe and the Tibetan view of law share the same Buddhist structure. Elsewhere, she refers to it as a "kaleidoscopic cosmology," meaning "realigning sets of patterns and actions that are both constant and ever changing, integrating and disintegrating, coherent and incoherent" (p. 16). They underpin Tibet's jurisprudential concepts "such as the absolute uniqueness of each circumstance, the absence of precedent, the importance of karmic sanctions and the legal structure of the country as a pulsating mandala" (p. 16). The law is not Buddhist in the superficial sense that it borrows a few phrases from the Vinaya or a few stories from the Jataka and Avadana literature. It is deep-down Buddhist in its fundamental hostility to rules and its assumption that nature not only makes ethical judgments but can apply karmic sanctions to those who have misbehaved. I have found the same deep Buddhist legal assumptions in my own work on Southeast Asia, and I know how difficult it is to put them into words. The English language lacks an appropriate vocabulary. By using the nearest English equivalent--a phrase like "natural law," for example--we swamp our comparison with too many unwanted resonances. The only solution is to speak metaphorically, to trust in poetic evocation rather than academic exactitude, trusting in Rorty's dictum that "It is pictures rather than propositions, metaphors rather than statements, which determine most of our philosophical convictions.") French's metaphor of choice is the kaleidoscopic cosmology, "this whirling, interpenetrating multiplicity, this atmosphere of interconnections and gaps, this determined indeterminancy" (p. 16). It would not be mine. Perhaps there is more at stake here than our different choice of metaphors. We may each be led by our research material, in the sense that Tibetan and Theravada Buddhism have chosen different vehicles to express the same truth. Buddhist causation treats all conditions of an event as equally important. But a legal or ethical rule can only work by privileging some conditions and backgrounding others. Our rule about liability for car crashes treats the skill and attention of the drivers as all-important, while backgrounding information about the make of the cars involved or the day of the week on which the crash took place. Pointing out the exception that proves the rule, or, if you prefer, "deconstructing the notion of rule," is a distinct theme in Buddhist literature. In Tibetan Buddhism the theme is expressed in the pulsations of the mandala, while in Theravada Buddhism it emerges through the ever finer, and ever more pointless, distinctions of the Abidhamma. The book is handsomely produced. The text has been enhanced by photographs of Tibet in the 1920s and line drawings of vernacular architecture. It is also a storybook in the grand tradition of the Arabian Nights or the Decameron since, from the myths that illustrate Tibetan cultural presumptions to the firsthand accounts of how trouble cases were handled, French's raw material is narrative. She has provided a wide variety of settings in which these narrative jewels can sparkle to best effect. Since even the most reluctant student will be lured onward by the stories and photographs, the book will be an excellent teaching aid for classes in religion, history, law, and anthropology. (1) Richard Rorty, Philosophy and the Mirror of Nature (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1979), p. 12.