VVol.7 No.3
JJuly 1997
PPp.473-487
CCopyright by University of Kansas
At issue is the method used to define values in the discipline. For example, when we discuss ethics, we base our inquiry on "regime values" and ignore the broader established literature concerning the "common spiritual values of mankind. "Like much of western culture, secularization as a value strongly influences public administration. This article examines the history of values in public administration research and questions secularization with its removal of linkage between spiritual wisdom and public values. Research in public administration evolved from a value-neutral basis immortalized in Woodrow Wilson's political/administrative dichotomy, to a logical positivism basis advanced by Herbert Simon, to a call for the return to value-based traditions. Recent research in the field, including research on ethics for public administrators, has acknowledged that values do play an integral role and that the value-free neutrality approach was invalid. This article makes the case that public administration should not narrow its choice of values to only secularization but should use the full range of human inquiry available to us, including the various Holy Scriptures from not only the Jewish and Christian traditions but other traditions as well, such as the Hindu, Buddhist, and Islamic. Full Text: COPYRIGHT 1997 University of Kansas The excitement and meaning of our very existence--indeed, the future of life itself on this planet--is linked to the administrative process. Theory, values and practice are inexorably interwoven and enmeshed. It is this complex net which is the center of attention in the study of public administration. (Simmons and Dvorin 1977, 3-4) In their book Public Administration Values, Policy, and Change (1977), Robert Simmons and Eugene Dvorin make a strong argument (as noted above) for the importance that values play in public administration. They note the existence of a current, so-called, value-free neutrality approach that has been so long and assiduously cultivated within public administration. The authors state that public administration was not and is not now value free, but value full. They assert that any other assumptions are "out of touch with the value conflicts of the broader society" (p. xiii). Moreover, according to Simmons and Dvorin, public administrators should not ". . . hide behind the guises of `scientific objectivity' or scholarly remoteness" (p. xiii). Adding to this discussion, a section from a recent essay by Robert Berne, dean of the Wagner School of Public Service at New York University, further highlights our point. According to Berne: Just as there is no way to separate policy from administration, there is no such thing as value free work in public service. Like it or not, the public sector is all about values and I believe that some of our current problems (in public administration) stem from our inability (as academics) to address the role that values play. (1995, 82) The role and treatment of values in public administration is a debatable issue which is often focused on how to define the idea of values themselves (e.g., Denhardt 1991). John Rohr, in his book Ethics for Bureaucrats, An Essay on Law and Values (1978, 65), broadly defined values as the "beliefs, passions, and principles that have been held for several generations by the overwhelming majority of the American people." Rohr suggests that the use of the more specific concept regime values is the most appropriate approach to define ethics in public administration (p. 59). He defined regime values as "the values of that political entity that was brought into being by the ratification of the Constitution that created the American republic. Rohr noted that the method of regime values rests on the following three considerations: * Ethical norms should be derived from the salient values of the regime. * These values are normative for bureaucrats because they have taken an oath to uphold the regime. * These values can be discovered in the public law of the regime (p. 59). As a conceptual tool, regime values have been used to determine what is acceptable in terms of discourse in values discussions in public administration theory. However, some do question the use of regime values. For example, Robert T. Golembiewski, in his 1965 work Men, Management, and Morality, raised the issue. He noted that the failure of formal theories of organization to address the question of individual freedom reveals an insensitivity to the moral posture of the individual worker. He listed five values, associated with economic life, that follow the Judeo-Christian ethic: * Work must be psychologically acceptable to the individual. * Work must allow individuals to develop their own faculties. * The work task must allow the individual considerable room for self-determination. The worker must have the possibility of controlling, in a meaningful way, the environment within which the task is to be performed. * The organization should not be the sole and final arbiter of behavior; both the organization and the individual must be subject to an external moral order (R. Denhardt 1984, 102). The fifth point indicates a disagreement with the idea that regime values should be used to define the generic term values. The question is: What should be used to form the basis for defining values in public administration theory? Notwithstanding the problems illustrated by the religious persecution of scientists prior to Rene Descartes, perhaps values found in religious traditions would provide a better basis. The thesis of this article is that we have allowed public service to be secularized and have largely removed the moral and spiritual wisdom of civilization from what we teach, research, and do in public administration (e.g., McCurdy and Cleary 1984; Adams and White 1994). We are losing our focus due to our so-called objective commitment, our lessened concern for social purpose, and our nonuse of spiritual wisdom--for example, regime values as a foundation for ethics is not adequate, as noted by Golembiewski (R. Denhardt 1984). Limiting research on values in public administration to those associated with a regime ignores the accumulated spiritual wisdom developed over centuries of human experience. Similar and recurring themes of values and morals are found in the literature of all the major religions. Thus, it provides an alternative basis upon which to examine the values of the profession, apart from the use of regime values. The roots of American public administration as a profession and inquiry were closely linked and motivated by spiritual concerns. For example, at the beginning of the twentieth century and the beginning of the formal study of public administration in America, Luther Gulick brought his background as the son and grandson of missionaries to his work and work style in promoting and even creating what we now call public administration. He stated that, in selecting the first students in public administration he and the other founders sought sons and daughters of civil servants, but they also sought those with strong religious backgrounds. In the 1950s, Paul Appleby, a dean at the Maxwell School at Syracuse University, wrote a stream of articles and books on morality and public administration. Also in the 1950s, Dwight Waldo, at the height of logical positivism's dominance in public administration, attempted to force the discipline away from a total reliance on Simon's value-free perspective (Waldo 1955). In the 1970s, the New Public Administration brought morality again to the literature of public administration (e.g., Marini 1971). Even today we have researchers and practitioners who address ethics in government in their teaching, research, and practice. (Lynch and Lynch 1995, 3). Nevertheless, many of us feel uncomfortable about linking spiritual and moral wisdom with public administration. This article argues that we have inappropriately secularized public administration. The first section addresses epistemology and its impact on public administration. The next section argues that public administration has largely been secularized and is ignoring the spiritual wisdom over recorded history. The conclusion suggests how to bring that wisdom into public administration. EPISTEMOLOGY AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION A Definition and Redefinition of Focus Epistemology is the branch of philosophy concerned with the theory of knowledge. Traditionally, central issues in epistemology are the nature and derivation of knowledge, the scope of knowledge, and the reliability of claims to knowledge (Edwards 1967). Students and academics interested in exploring the major epistemological views in public administration might typically ask: How does each view largely define accepted knowledge? What are the implications to public administration? Are any of the views dysfunctional? In what ways? What are the implications to the development of the field or discipline? Philosophers frequently have been divided over epistemology. For example, rationalists such as Plato and Rene Descartes argued that ideas of reason intrinsic to the mind are the only source of knowledge. Empiricists such as John Locke and David Hume argued that sensory experience is the primary source of our ideas and therefore of knowledge. The debate between the rationalists and empiricists continued for quite some time and later took a significant turn with Immanuel Kant. He asked whether there could be synthetic a priori knowledge, that is, knowledge not based on experience but which is a condition of the comprehensibility of experience (Popkin and Stroll 1990). Kant, although antiempiricist in the derivation-of-knowledge question, agreed with the empiricists regarding the scope-of-knowledge question, in that knowledge is limited to the world of experience (Popkin and Stroll 1990; Beck 1966). On the reliability of knowledge, the skeptics were a significant influence in the history of epistemology. They questioned whether any claim to knowledge can be upheld against the possibility of doubt. Rene Descartes (1596-1650) focused his inquiry on the elimination of doubt. This role of the skeptic was to increase the level of rigor and precision necessary to posit what should be considered as knowledge (Edwards 1967). In contemporary epistemology, the role of the skeptic is diminished. George Edward Moore, Ludwig Wittgenstein, and others have redirected epistemological attention from concern about claims of knowledge due to doubt toward analysis of their linguistic meaning. Empiricism and Modern Science An understanding of the empiricist perspective can be determined from the word empiricist itself. The term comes from the Greek word, emdeiria, which means experience. The basic tenet of empiricism is that legitimate human knowledge arises from what is provided to the mind of the individual by introspective awareness gained by experience. Empirism is a rejection of other doctrines such as the view that when the human mind first encounters the world it is already furnished with a range of ideas or concepts that have nothing to do with experience; and an acceptance of the idea that, at birth, the mind is a tabula rasa, or white paper, void of all characters, and that only experience can provide it with ideas (Edwards 1967). Empiricism has taken many forms. However, one common feature is that it starts from experimental science as a basis for defining human knowledge (Edwards 1967). This is opposed to the rationalist approach, which starts from pure mathematics as the basis for understanding human knowledge. Empiricism and its major proponents developed during the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. It arose directly from the growing success and importance of experimental science with its gradual separate identity from pure mathematics. Major early proponents of empiricism were called the British Empiricist School of Philosophy and included Francis Bacon, John Locke, George Berkeley, and David Hume. Later proponents--also usually classified as empiricists--in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries include John Stuart Mill and Bertrand Russell (Beck 1966). Russell was the major personality link between the classical British empiricists and the beginnings of logical positivism in the twentieth century. Modern science, as developed by Descartes from his emphasis on doubt, has a number of parallels to empiricism. These parallels are important to the development of logical positivism. According to Descartes, the solutions to the questions posed by epistemology lay in the systematization of knowledge. In the ideal method described by Descartes, man starts with basic axioms whose truth is clear and distinct and he sets aside anything that can be supposed to be false until he arrives at something that cannot be supposed to be false. Critical to this basic analysis is that nothing is accepted as true unless it is clear and distinct. Next, one analyzes the basic axiom, starting with simple thoughts, and only later proceeds to more complex thoughts. Following these steps, one reviews the entire process so that no possible consideration is omitted (Popkin and Stroll 1990). Important similarities between modern science and empiricism include the need to systematize the acquisition of knowledge. This avoids the introduction of extraneous variables that could confuse and cloud the final product. It also promotes the need for careful self-correction and comprehensiveness throughout the process, thus not overlooking or omitting important variables that could affect the final outcome. The most important difference between modern science and empiricism is the issue of the existence of certain innate truths. Modern science and Descartes propose that the universe can be explained in terms of absolute properties or truths. By employing the appropriate procedures described previously, we can discover knowledge that under no circumstances can be false. Empiricists, on the other hand, say even if systematized procedures for the acquisition of knowledge were employed, man cannot discover absolute truths. Man can only develop probable hypotheses about the universe. Within certain confidence intervals and at certain levels of significance, man can work out a theory of knowledge, but only within the bounds of the actual achievements of scientists. Discussion of limits and bounds along with the disputation that certain organizational absolute truths were, in fact, proverbs, would resonate strongly nearly a century later. They were first discussed in public administration when logical positivists like Herbert Simon examined behavior of individuals within organizations using concepts such as bounded rationality and satisficing (Simon 1946 and 1947). With the breakaway of science from classical philosophy in the late nineteenth century, the following questions became significant: What is philosophy apart from science? What kind of knowledge (if any) results from philosophical activity? Is philosophy different from science? (Popkin and Stroll 1990) In the twentieth century several influential philosophical movements developed, each with answers to these and other important questions in philosophy and science. Important to the development of logical positivism was the perspective of logical atomism and the works of Whitehead, Russell, Wittgenstein, and eventually, the Vienna Circle. From Logical Atomism to the Vienna Circle After more than ten years of work, Alfred North Whitehead and Bertrand Russell, in a series of three volumes entitled Principia Mathematica (1962), described a new type of logic. It was broader in scope than what was then the standard and accepted logic system based on the works of the Greek philosopher Aristotle. This new system of logic described the relationship of symbols to each other, or symbolic logic. The importance of the work by Whitehead and Russell lay in the fact that it did not reject the centuries of work by philosophers since Aristotle, but refined it through mathematics to a degree of precision never before seen. This symbolic logic could also be used to develop a precise new symbolic language, beyond that of natural languages like French, English, or Spanish, that could clarify the meanings of sentences for further philosophical analysis (Popkin and Stroll 1990). Principia Mathematica and the writings of Whitehead and Russell received further explanation and elaboration with Ludwig Wittgenstein (1899-1951), who many regard as the greatest philosophical genius of the twentieth century. Wittgenstein thought of philosophy as an autonomous discipline (e.g., separate from science) dealing with its own sort of particular problems. He did not believe that science could solve philosophical problems, and in later life he would say that even philosophy could not provide any factual information about the world (Popkin and Stroll 1990). The great body of his work launched the logical positivist movement. Moreover, because of several statements in Wittgenstein's 1922 work Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus (1961) a small group of students in Austria, led by a University of Vienna professor, Moritz Schilick, began the famous Vienna Circle. The logical atomist perspective of Whitehead and Russell received its most comprehensive explanation in Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus. Wittgenstein's version of logical atomism became known as picture theory. A perfect language, according to Wittgenstein, is like a map, as it pictures or mirrors the structure of reality. As philosophers attempt to utilize the logical atomistic perspective and symbolic logic to develop aspects of the structure of reality, they would be actively engaged in the process and not in a merely passive and reflective stance as in the past (Berg 1967). This single part of Wittgenstein's massive work would become extremely significant for the eventual development of logical positivism. Wittgenstein's contention that philosophy is a genuine activity just as science is would become a major focus for the Vienna Circle. But, unlike science, philosophy does not discover new facts or new knowledge. Philosophy describes the structure of the world and how its basic ingredients are constructed. This is knowledge, but not the same kind of knowledge that science develops (Popkin and Stroll 1990). The philosophical system of logical atomism was a metaphysical system in the traditional sense. As such, it would be rejected by thinkers who would use the same symbolic logic developed by logical atomists to contend that metaphysical knowledge developed by such thinking was itself not sense (Bergmann 1967). Logical positivism is often thought to have been initiated by the "philosophy as activity" remarks of Wittgenstein in the Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus. However, the group associated with the beginnings of the logical positivism movement were individuals who met in the early 1920s in seminars in Vienna that were conducted by Moritz Schilick. The original members of the group were committed to science either by scholarship or profession. To them, philosophy was an avocation. Among the group's members were Hans Hahn, Fredrich Waismann, Herbert Feigl, Otto Neurath, and Rudolf Carnap. The original focus of the group was empiricism. However, they were heavily influenced first by Whitehead and Russell and then, more profoundly, by Wittgenstein (Gross 1970). In elaborating upon Wittgenstein's view that philosophy was not a theory but an activity, the Vienna Circle held that philosophy does not produce propositions that are true or false. Instead, philosophy merely clarifies the meaning of statements and in that process it shows some to be scientific, some to be mathematical, and some to be nonsensical (Wedberg 1984). Four principles of logical positivism eventually were developed by the Vienna Circle. The first principle is that of logical atomism. The truth of all complex statements depends on simple statements about what may be sensed. However, none of these simple statements may entail any others.b