A Time to Chant: The Soka Gakkai Buddhists in Britain

Reviewed by Eileen Barker

Sociology of Religion

Vol.57 No.3

Pp.323-324

Fall 1996

COPYRIGHT 1996 Association for the Sociology of Religion


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            The Soka Gakkai International (SGI) is a lay organization that 
            developed out of Nichiren Shoshu Buddhism, one of the traditions 
            within Japanese Mahayana Buddhism. The thirteenth-century monk, 
            Nichiren, challenged the then (and still) popular belief that 
            salvation entails entering the "Pure Land" after death, and that 
            this depends upon the mercy of Amida Buddha. instead, Nichiren 
            taught, the land of true happiness ... is not to be found anywhere 
            apart from this world. It can only be created within the realities 
            of actual society, after people have firmly established an awareness 
            of the True Law within their own lives" (p. 5). Furthermore, it is 
            believed that Nichiren, an incarnation of the Gautama Buddha, 
            revealed the True or Mystic Law., Nam-myoho-renge-kyo, from the 
            previously hidden depths of the Lotus Sutra. It is through the 
            chanting of Nam-myoho-renge-kyo in front of a scroll or mandala -- 
            the Gohonzon -- that one can hope to attain Buddahood -- and, modern 
            practitioners tell us, a wide range of other spiritual, social, and 
            material rewards such as better health, improved relationships, a 
            more lucrative job, a new guitar, or a sports car. 
            After the Second World War, at the start of what McFarland has 
            evocatively termed The Rush Hour of the Gods, Soka Gakkai numbered 
            but a few hundred Japanese followers. Today it is one of the 
            best-known and, in terms of numbers, the most successful of the new 
            movements in Japan and of all the Buddhist groups that have come to 
            the West, claiming several millions of members in Japan and some 
            hundreds of thousands throughout the rest of the world -- around 
            4,000 of whom are to be found in Britain. 
            Wilson and Dobbelaere introduce us to the history of the movement's 
            Japanese origins and to its current international flavor. We are 
            told of the relationship of British members with the not altogether 
            uncontroversial figure of President Ikeda. An interesting appendix 
            details the 1990-1992 schism between on the one hand, Ikeda and Soka 
            Gakkai and, on the other hand, the Nichiren Shoshu priests, based at 
            Taiseku-ji, the head temple in the foothills of Mount Fuji where the 
            original Gohonzon, inscribed in 1253, is enshrined. 
            The information on the British movement was gathered through 
            extensive contact with the movement and its literature over a number 
            of years. As the result of a 62 percent usable response rate to an 
            85-question postal survey from a random sample of 1,000 
            (non-Japanese) members, we have an abundance of statistics with 27 
            tables containing demographic details and information about members' 
            attitudes to the movement and to life in general. Many of the 
            findings are placed in a comparative perspective with data about the 
            general population. The figures are peppered with a wealth of 
            quotations both from the open questions of the questionnaires and 
            from some thirty interviews conducted by the authors. 
            Unlike the participants in many other Buddhist groups, members of 
            Soka Gakkai are not distinguishable by their clothes or through any 
            particular lifestyle. Nearly all live in their own homes and earn 
            their income in the outside world -- often being self-employed an/or 
            connected to some middle-class service occupation such as teaching, 
            therapy, the arts, or the mass media. In Britain, almost half the 
            members live in the London area; women outnumber men by 3:2. 
            Although half the respondents had started chanting while in their 
            twenties or (in the case of 7 percent, earlier), the mean age at 
            which Wilson and Dobbelaere's respondents had begun chanting was 31. 
            The joiners as a group were, thus, somewhat older than persons 
            joining new religions such as the Unification Church, ISKCON or the 
            Children of God, or those practicing Transcendental Meditation, - 
            although not, perhaps, all that different in age from those who 
            became neo-sannyasins within the Osho (Rajneesh) movement. 
            The monograph is clearly structured, informative, and pleasantly 
            written. It provides a comprehensive and comprehensible study of the 
            origins, beliefs, practices, organization, and appeal of the Soka 
            Gakkai Buddhists in Britain. One ends up with a "feel" for the 
            movement and its members, and those who are familiar with SGI-UK 
            will have little difficulty in recognizing it. 
            But we are offered more than the description of a Buddhist sect in 
            Britain. Anyone interested in modern society and its relationship 
            with religion is strongly recommended to read the Epilogue. In the 
            course of these 15 pages, the authors present us with an analysis, 
            based on their own and other empirical data, of ways in which 
            changes in contemporary society have given rise to a new demand and 
            new supply of religious beliefs, practices, and organization. 
            The argument is that SGI-UK is "in tune with the times" in so far as 
            its members have a radically different experience of life from those 
            engaged in, say, the extractive or manufacturing industries of 
            producer societies. With the shift from an economic structure in 
            which the goals of a production-oriented economy "demanded a moral 
            order in which the work ethic had a central role" (p. 217) to one in 
            which a consumer economy "demanded the abandonment of the regulation 
            of personal comportment" (p. 218); "Ideals of duty to the state, or 
            action for the corporate good, were subordinated to the search for 
            personal fulfillment and the desire to enjoy life to the full" p. 
            (219). The image of a personal God was increasingly replaced by the 
            idea of an impersonal force or spirit; and rewards came to be sought 
            in this life in this world -- and/or, via reincarnation, in the next 
            life in this world -- rather than through salvation in some other 
            world. Wilson and Dobbelaere, frequently pointed to as staunch 
            upholders of "the secularization thesis," illustrate unambigously 
            how they are fully aware that the desacralization of societal 
            organizations may lead not to the disappearance of religion at a 
            personal level, but to its persistence in forms more functionally 
            compatible with modern -- or post-modern -- society. A Time to Chant 
            is, argue the authors, now.