The "Hsin-Ming" Attributed to Niu-T'ou Fa-Jung

BY Henrik H. Sorensen

Journal of Chinese Philosophy

Vol.13 1986


(c)by Dialogue Publishing Company, Honolulu, Hawaii, U.S.A.

. p.101 In the thirtieth chapter of the celebrated Ch'an Buddhist collection "Chingte ch'uan-teng lu"(a)(1) one finds a number of short texts of the gaatha (chia-t'a) (b) type(2) composed by various Ch'an masters. Among these often highly abstruse "songs" (ke)(c) is included one called "Hsin-ming"(d) (Mind Inscription),(3) which is attributed to Fa-jung(e) (594-657),(4) the First Patriarch of the early Ch'an Buddhist denomination commonly known as the Niu-t'ou School(f) after the name of the mountain where the master dwelt,(5) Before going on to a discussion of the text and its contents let us first take a brief look at the author and iris brand of Ch'an Buddhism. Traditionally Fa-jung is regarded as a direct disciple of Tao-hsin(g) (580-651), (6) the fourth Patriarch of Chinese Ch'an tracing its line of transmission back to Bodhidharma(h) (d. ca. 538 A.D.), (7) but recent research has shown several problems concerning the verification of this claim.(8) In Fa-jung's oldest biography to be found in Tao-hsuan's (596-667) (9) Hsu kao-seng ch'uan(i)(10) nothing whatsoever is mentioned about Tao-hsin, and in Tao-hsin's biography contained in the same collection, we find no mentioning of Fa-jung either.(11) The earliest claim connecting Fa-jung with the Fourth Patriarch first comes across in the memorial inscription Jun-chou He-lin Ssu ku Ching-shan Ta-shih pci-ming(j) (12) dedicated to the Niu-t'ou master Hsuan-su(k) (668-752), (13) composed by the famous literature Li Hua(l) (?-ca. 766).(14) In the memorial inscription on the stele of Hsuan-su's disciple, Tao-ch'in(m) (714-792) (15) the claim is repeated.(16) As late as 829 the scholar Liu Yu-hsi(n) (772-842) (17) wrote the inscription "Niu-t'ou Shan ti i-tsu Jung Ta-shih hsin-t'a chi"(o) (18) for the new memorial stupa for Fa-jung that had been set up on Niu-t'ou Shan following the school's rise to prominence during the second half of the 8th century.(19) All these inscriptions and the later biographies contained in the standard Ch'an collections of the late T'ang-early Sung (9-10th century) such as the "Chodang chi? "(20) and the "Ching-te ch'uan-teng lu"(21) all perpetuate the claim making Fa-jung a dharma heir of Tao-hsin.(22) p.102 According to Fa-jung's biography in the Hsu kao-seng ch'uan he was of the Wei family and a native of Yen-ling(q) in Jun-Chou, (r) present day Chen-chiang in the southern part of Kiangsu Province. As a young man he studied Confucianism and Taoism but later he became dis-illusioned with these belief systems and turned towards Buddhism. He first studied under a monk called Kuei Fa-shih(s) (n.d.)(23) on Mao Shan(t) to the southeast of Nanking(u) also in Kiangsu. He penetrated the prajnaapaaramitaa doctrines of the San-lun School(v)(24) and later practised the Chih-kuan(w) ('samatha-vipa'syana) system of the T'ien-t'ai(x) School.(25) After Fa-jung had become a master in his own right, he went to Jun-chou (Nanking) in 643 and settled in the Yu-hsi Temple(y) on the southern slope of Niu-t'ou Shan.(26) Here he lived in seclusion in a cave behind the temple proper; and it was during this time that he is said to have been visited by Tao-hsin and became his disciple.(27) Following his seclusion in the cave he attracted a large number of followers teaching at several locations in the region. In 657 he passed away at the age of 63.(28) After the master's death the school supposedly was continued by a monk called Chih-yen(z) (600-677) , (29) however it is rather questionable that Chih-yen was a disciple of Fa-jung. In the "Hsu kao-seng ch'uan" there is nothing to substantiate this claim.(30) The learned Ch'an and Hua-yen(aa) master Kuei-feng Tsung-mi(ab) (780-841) (31) critically treated the doctrines of the Niu-t'ou School in several of his works. Through this characterization one is given an insight into the cardinal teachings of a highly radical madhyaamika (chung-tao) (ac) oriented denomination of Ch'an Buddhism.(32) The hall-mark of this school was an emphasis on universal emptiness" (hsu-k'ung)(ad) or 'suunyataa in a direct and practical way of application. The basic doctrines of the Niu-t'ou School was summed up by Tsung-mi as follows: Secondly there is the school of utter annihilation and nondwelling, that is to say all phenomena (worldly and holy inclusive) are all like illusions, completely non-existent. Fundamentally empty stillness does not take its beginning in nothingness; even the wisdom with which one reaches emptiness can not be obtained. In the sameness of Dharmadhaatu there are neither Buddhas nor sentient beings. Dharmadhaatu is merely a designated name. As the mind does not have any existence of p.103 its own, who can speak about Dharmadhaatu? In non-cultivation there is no cultivator and as the Buddha is non-existent there is no Buddha(hood). Let us suppose that there is a Dharma which is higher than Nirvaana, then I say that this would be like an illusion. There is no Dharma that can be grasped, and no Buddha (hood) that can be attained. If there is anything that can be accomplished (at all) , then it is all delusion and falsehood. If one is able to penetrate into this, then fundamentally there is not a thing to which the mind can attach.(33) All phenomena including the Buddhist Dharma are essentially without own being, i.e. they do not possess any inherent mark (fa)(ae) of existence and are therefore empty and non-existent. This very lack of inherent existence is at the same time the "nirvanic" imprint on all phenomena, meaning that everything fundamentally is in the absolute state of suchness (chen-ju) .(af) So far there is nothing strange or deviant about the Niu-t'ou teachings, they are quite striaght-forward San-lun doctrine. However the practical conclusions reached by Fa-jung and his followers are extreme when seen from the viewpoint of Tsung-mi and other "orthodox" monks. The extreme conclusions concerning the suunyaata doctrine as propagated by the Niu-t'ou School can be clearly discerned in the Hsin-ming. Because all phenomena are baseless and illusory it is neither necessary to cultivate any virtues nor to purify oneself. All one needs to do is to maintain a non-clinging mind free of mentation. When this is achieved the illusory phenomena will cease to exert any influence on the adept and he will enjoy direct communion with absolute reality, entering into the highest principle (chih-li) .(ag) One of the key-concepts in this enlightenment process is to be unmindful of the feelings (wang-hsing),(ah) which then will result in their natural cessation. As any notion of the employment of upaaya (fang-pien)(ai) is absent from the Niut'ou doctrines, it is clear that they tended to overlook perhaps the most vital aspect of the madhyaamika doctrine. This aspect is the two truths (erh-ti),(aj) i.e. the absolute truth (chen-ti)(ak) and the relative truth (shih-su ti);(al) the Niu t'ou doctrine paid attention to the absolute level at the expense of the relative level. This one-sided emphasis on emptiness and cessation naturally exposed the school to attacks from other Buddhist monks, causing Tsung-mi to characterize the Niu-t'ou School as one following a doctrine of p.104 "utter annihilation and non-dwelling" (min-chueh wu-chi).(am)(34) Following Tsung-mi the Ch'an master Huang-po Hsi-yun(an) (d. ca. 850) (35) later criticized Fa-jung for having been unable to grasp the ultimate truth, obviously referring to his supposed onesided understanding of emptiness.(36) So far the Hsin-ming is the only existing text which is directly attributed to Fa-jung.(37) Another text, the Chueh-kuan lun,(ao)(38) which the Japanese scholar Yanagida Seizan(ap) holds to be by Fa-jung or at least by one of his close disciples, does admittedly bear close resemblance to the "Hsin-ming" and might very well be a work from Fa-jung's hand.(39) However even though the two texts do not always use identical stockphrases there seems to be little doubt that they are both the product, if not by the same author, then at least by followers of the same type of Ch'an doctrine. Besides the distinct "absolutistic" madhyaamika or San-lun view one of the most pronounced identical features of the texts is the clear "taoistic" flavour which permeates them throughout. When comparing the doctrinal stances of the two texts one's associations are invariably led in the direction of the "Tao-te ching"(aq) and the "Chuang-tzu".(ar) The concepts of non-action (wu-wei)(as) and no-mind (wu-hsin)(at) appear several times in both works and the unBuddhist stress on spontaneity (tzu-jan) (au) at the expense of the vinaya (ssu-fen)(av) is conspicuous. Indeed, whole passages of the "Chueh-kuan lun" appear to have been taken right out of the "Tao-te ching".(40) From Fajung's biography in the "Ching-te ch'uan-teng lu", most of which is taken up by a dialogue between the master and a certain Prince Po-ling(aw) (n.d.); we find the same clear San-lun/madhyaamika teaching as the "Hsin-ming" and the "Chueh-kuan lun".(41) However it is not possible to assert whether the "Ching-te ch'uan-teng lu" presentation of Fa-jung's teaching really is by him or whether it is a later composition.(42) When seen in the light of the "Hsin-ming", the "Chueh-kuan lun" and the dialogue with the Prince in "Ching-te ch'uan-teng lu" we might say that Tsung-mi's description and criticism of the Niu-t'ou School's rather extreme 'suunyata view is partly justified. However it is quite clear too that Tsung-mi in his criticism tended to over-look the fact that Fa-jung and his followers included a wide range of standard Mahaayaana doctrines in their Teachings too. In the "Hsin-ming", for example, one finds an obvious use of the doctrine of dharmadhatu-origination (fa-chieh hsing-ch'i),(ax)(43) and in the Chueh-kuan lun one likewise finds influence from the Hua-yen ching(ay)(44) p.105 and the wei-mo ching.(az)(45) As to the problem whether the "Hsin-ming" is actually by Fa-jung we do not have any definitive proof. All in all we must conclude that there are a number of important points such as style and contents which clearly allow us to associate the text with Fa-jung and the Niu-t'ou School. The close doctrinal resamblance with the "Chueh-kuan lun" and Fa-jung's biographical entry in the "Ching-te ch'uan-teng lu" be over-looked. Furthermore the teachings as contained in the "Hsin-ming" correspond closely with Tsungmi's characterization of the Niu-t'ou School. The main points of doubt concerning the genuiness of the text lies with the facts that it is included in a relatively late Ch'an collection, i.e: the "Ching-te ch'uan-reng lu" from 1004; therefore it might be another example of pious contribution. Secondly, we do not find any reference to the text in earlier Ch'an materials.(46) In this connection it must be noted that the line of thought as presented by the author of the "Hsin-ming" is not very close to that of Fa-jung's supposed master Tao-hsin. Actually it is doctrinally a far cry from the teachings of Tao-hsin as presented in his "Ju-tao an-hsin yao fang-pien fa-men",(ba)(47) which is a point adding to the argument that Fa-jung probably never had any direct contact with Tao-hsin and his line of transmission. Interestingly the "Hsin-hsin ming"(bb)(48) attributed to the Third Patriarch Seng-ts'an(bc) (d. 606)(49) in the Bodhidharma line, has many points in common with the "Hsin-ming", both as regards contents and style.(50) Likewise when reading the "Hsin-ming" one overlook the close affinity which the doctrines of the text has with those of Wu-chu(bd) (714-774)(51) of the Pao-t'ang School(be) and with some parts of the teachings of Shen-hui(bf) (670-672)(52) of the Ho-tse School.(bg) The "Hsin-ming" as we have it today exist in two versions. The one used here is that of the "Ching-te ch'uan-teng lu" and the other can be found in the t'ung-shu(bh) collection "Ch'uan T'ang-wen".(bi)(53) The two versions do not deviate greatly and some of the different characters in the latter version appear to be misprints. It seems as if the "Ch'uan T'ang-wen" version has been taken from the "Ching-te ch'uan-teng lu" version, however a seperate transmission of the text can not be ruled out, and in that case the former version might very well be the oldest of the two. UNIVERSITY OF COPENHAGEN p.106 Appendix: MIND INSCRIPTION: A TRANSLATION The nature of the mind is un-born. Why should it be necessary to know this? Fundamentally there is not one single phenomenon; who then can speak about defilement and purification? There is no end to coming and going, and no matter how much one seeks, one will never realize it! When everything is inactive, then the bright stillness will manifest by itself. Before one it will be like emptiness, and thereby one will know how to dispose with confused doctrines. Distinguishing clearly the circumstances one will illumine the dark and hidden. If the One Mind(54) is obstructed, then all the dharmas(55) will not have a penetrating effect. Spontaneously coming and going, what use is it exhausting oneself? As life has the mark of the un-born, it will illumine the oneness.(56) If one wishes to obtain purity of mind, then one must diligently cultivate no-mind. To have no mental reflections high and low, this more than anything else is the marvelous! One will know the dharma (the Buddha's teaching) through non-knowing, as this non-knowing will know the essentials. By grasping the mind and maintaining stillness,(57) one will still not be able to leave behind the sickness (of clinging).(58) In life and death one must forget that which one is attached to, then there and then the fundamental nature (will manifest, shine forth etc.). The highest principle has no explanation, (one will be able to attain to it without) getting rid of anything and without restraining oneself. Spiritual penetration and responding to affairs will constantly take place there and then, before one there will not be a thing, and "not a thing" will be a matter of course.(59) p.107 If you do not strive for the Mirror of Wisdom, then its essence will be wonderously empty of itself. Thinking arises and thinking goes away, before and after there is no discrimination. The latter thought is not produced as the former is cut off by itself. In the Three Worlds(60) there is not a thing: neither mind nor Buddha. All living beings are (products) of no-mind, and depend upon no-mind to come into existence.(61) Discriminating between worldly and holy will cause vexations in abundance. Constantly calculating and making plans amounts to searching for the truth while turning one's back to reality. If one puts an end to the two extremes (of being and non-being), then one will be both bright and clear. It is not necessary to observe enfantile practices diligently. Through awareness one will gain knowledge, and when seeing the net (of samsara) one will turn around and stop. In Samaadhi(chi-chi)(bj) there is nothing to be seen, for in a dark room there is no movement. In awareness (hsing-hsing)(bk) there is no falsity, in samaadhi there is clear brightness. The myriad shapes are all true, all having the majestetic one characteristica.(62) Going and coming,sitting and standing be grasped. With no fixed place, who (can be said) to come and go? No coming together and no breaking up, neither slowly nor hasty. The bright stillness is selfso and words speak about it! If in the mind there is nothing different from the mind, one does not have to stop desire. As its nature is empty, it will disappear if it is allowed to drift on. Neither pure nor defiled, neither shallow nor deep. Originally the past is not, and just now,the present is not! Just now there is non-abiding and that is the original Mind.(63) When one does not hold on to the origin, then the origin will be present. Bodhi originally is, (that is why) it is not necessary to maintain it. p.108 Vexations are fundamentally non-existing, therefore it is not necessary to do away with them! The spiritual wisdom shines forth by itself, and the myriad phenomena return (to the source). Nothing to revert to and nothing to receive. Cut off opinions and forget about the precepts! The Four Virtues(64) are un-born, and the Three Bodies are fundamentally existing.(65) The Six Roots(66) (just) face the circumstances and (clear or direct) perception has nothing to do with consciousness. Then the mind will have nothing wrong and the ten thousand causes will directly harmonize. The mind and the feelings are basically of the same source, they coexist without interfering with each other. The un-born is in accordance with phenomena, together they dwell and rest in the dark. Enlightenment comes from that which is not enlightened, therefore enlightenment is non-enlightenment! Gain and loss are like the two sides of a coin. Who can then speak about good and bad? All that is caused, is originally the product of the un-born. The knowing mind is not the Mind, (the true Mind is something which) neither disease nor medicine can effect. In times of confusion just let things go their way, because when awakening is accomplished, they will not be different (from your self). Fundamentally nothing can be grasped; now what will you throw away? Speaking of existence is to give in to demons, for with words empty images arise! Do not wipe out worldly feelings. The only teaching that you should be concerned about, is how to do away with ideas! Ideas will be annihilated by no-mind, and mental states will be cut off by non-activity. There is no use trying to verify emptiness, spontaneously it will shine forth! p.109 Extinguishing both life and death, the profound Mind enters the (ultimate) principle. Just open your eyes and behold the forms, letting your mind go along with the arising circumstances. If the mind abides in no-circumstances, then the circumstances abide in no-mind. Then when the mind is about to annihilate the circumstances, they will go along with the annihilation. The mind will be quiet and the circumstances just the same. One will neither have to let go nor to hold on. When circumstances go along with the mind they will be extinguished, and the mind which follows circumstances is nothingness. Both abide in the un-born, still purity and empty brightness! Awakening appears like a shadow in the mind's water, which is constantly clear. The nature (or disposition) of the virtuous is like stupidity, for it does not set up any separation between this and that. They are not moved by either grace or dishonour, and do not choose a (fixed) place to dwell.(67) If all causes are put to rest, then one will cease to worry about them! If one does not discriminate, then an eternal day can be like a night, and an eternal night can be like a day.(68) When seen from the outside it seems as if one is wayward and stupid, however within, the mind is vacant and in communion with reality. Adverse conditions will not move one, and one will have the power of an accomplished being. There will be neither seer nor the seen, then that non-seeing will be perpetually manifested. Penetrating everything, constantly being everywhere. Thinking will cause confusion, and confusion will give rise to all kinds of emotions. If by grasping the mind one tries to stop agitation, then with this movement the mind will be even more active.(69) The myriad phenomena have no base, there is only the One Door.(70) This is the door of neither entering nor leaving, of neither stillness nor disturbance. p.110 The wisdom of 'Sraavakas and Pratyeka-buddhas can not fathom this. In reality not one thing exists, the wonderful wisdom alone remains. Circumstances are fundamentally empty. It is not something which the mind can exhaust. True enlightenment is non-enlightenment, and real emptiness is not empty! A11 the Buddhas of the Three Times(71) teach this doctrine. This teaching is like a particle of dust, worlds as numerous as sandgrains in the Ganges are contained therein! If one does not occupy oneself with everything, then the peaceful mind will have nowhere to abide. The peaceful mind will be non-abiding, and the empty brightness will manifest by itself! The quiet stillness is un-born, and one will be free to roam in all directions. Whatever one does there will be nothing to obstruct one. In motion and in rest, all will be equal. The sun of prajnaa is still, the light of samaadhi is bright; (They are) the bright park of no mark (laksana) and the clear city of nirvaana. In all causes one should be un-mindful of the fruit; it can be likened to the quality of the spiritual samaadhi. Do not set up platforms for teaching; but take a peaceful nap in an empty house.(72) One will find happiness in the Way, with plenty of space to roam about in True Reality. Nothing to do, nothing to obtain, and depending upon nothing, the self will manifest. The Four Virtues(73) and the Six Paraamitaas(74) all belong to the path of the One Vehivle. When the mind in this way is not produced, then all the phenomena also will not be wrong. Knowing that life is un-born, before one it will constantly remain thus. Those with wisdom will know this, but no amount of words can explain this kind of awakening! p.111 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to express my thanks to the following people, who in various ways helped me with this article: First my thanks go to Mr. Morten Schlutter of East Asiatic Institute, University of Copenhagen for reading through the manuscript and contributing many helpful suggestions. Next my thanks go to Mr. Poul Andersen, our local specialist in Taoist studies, also of East Asiatic Institute, for his critique and suggestions concerning the translation. Last but not least thanks to Miss Charlotte Rohde of the Royal Danish Library for her painstaking efforts in locating useful material for my study. ABBREVIATIONS CDC "Chodang chip". Yanagida version. CKL "Chueh-kuan lun". Tokiwa version. CSTP "Chin-shih ts'ui-pien". Shanghai, 1893. CTL "Taisho version, 2076". CTS "Chiu T'ang-shu". Peking, 1978. CTW "Ch'uan T'ang-wen." Taipei, 1960. HKSC "Hsu kao-seng ch'uan, T. version, 2060". HM "Hsin-ming". CTL version. HTC "Hsu tsang-ching". Lung-men reprint. HTS "Hsin T'ang-shu". Peking, 1978. IB "Indogaku bukkyo gaku". JCP "Journal of Chinese Philosophy. JIABS "Journal of International Association of Buddhist Studies". P. "Pelliot Collection". PEW "Philosophy East West". T. "Taisho Daizokyo". TP. "T'oung Pao". TWT "T'ang-wen ts'ui". Taipei, 1973. p.112 NOTES 1. T. 2076. Compiled by the monk Tao-yuan (n.d.) from the Fa-yen School in 1004 A.D.. The work was published in 1011 A.D. 2. 30, pp. 456c-467a. 3. Ibid. pp.457b-458a. 4. Biography in HKSC (T. 2060) ch. 26, pp. 603c-605b, in CDC ch. 3, pp. 51a53a, and in CTL ch. 4, pp. 227c-228b. For a translation of Fa-jung's biography from CTL see Chang Chung-yuan: Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism. N.Y., 1969, pp. 3-11, 17-26. For a modern treatment in Japanese of Fa-jung and his teaching see Hiromine Kinami: Gozu-shuu okeru ichikosatsu. In: IB XXVIII, 1, 1979, pp. 186-87 (1) and IB XXIX, 1, 1980, pp. 146-47 (II) . The most comprehensive study so far in a Western language is John R. McRae's The Ox-Head School of Chinese Ch'an Buddhism; From Early Ch'an to the Golden Age. In Studies in Ch'an and Hua-yen, ed. by Robert M. Gimello & Peter N. Gregory, Honolulu, 1983, pp. 169-252. McRae's article contains a very useful review of Japanese studies of the Niu-t'ou School and its doctrines up to ca. 1979. 5. A description of the mountain and its temples including photoes can be found in Buddhist Monuments in China (Shina bukkyo shiseki kinenshu) by Daijo Tokiwa and Tadashi Sekino, Vol. 4, Tokyo, 1937, pp. 17-19. The mountain was visited around the same time as the Japanese, i.e. in the 1920's, by the Danish architect Johannes Pripp-Moller, who described it in his monumental work Chinese Buddhist Monasteries. Copenhagen & London, 1937, pp. 183, 186, 194. A present day note on the mountain is included in Barry Till's In Search of Old Nanking. Hong Kong, 1982, pp. 75-76. 6. Biography in HKSC (T. 2060), ch. 26, pp. 606bc, in CDC ch. 2, pp. 41b-42a, and in CTL (T. 2076), ch. 3, pp. 222b-223a. For a very thorough treatment of this key-figure in early Chinese Ch'an see David W. Chappell's The Teachings of the Fourth Ch'an Patriarch Tao-hsin (580-651). In Early Ch'an in China and Tibet ed. by Lewis Lancaster and Whalen Lai. Berkeley, 1983, pp. 89-129. 7. Biography in HKSC ch. 16, pp. 551bc, CDC ch. 2, pp. 32a-39a, and CTL ch. 3, pp. 217a-220b. For a modern study on Bodhidharma in Japanese see Bunyuu Matsuda's Bodaidaruma ron. In IB Vol. XXVII, 2, 1978, pp. 595-600, a critically annotated edition in Japanese of the discourses attributed to Bodhidharma can be found in Seizan Yanagida (ed. & transl.): Daruma no goroku. Zen no goroku Series Vol. 1. Tokyo, 1969. 8. See Chappell pp. 103-104, note 11. 9. Biography in SKSC (T. 2061) , ch. 14, pp. 790b-791b. He finished compiling the HKSC in 664 A.D. 10. HKSC (T. 2060), ch. 26, pp. 603c-605b. In this work Fa-jung's biography is included in the hsi-ch'an section. A much shorter biography obviously based on the HKSC version can be found in the work Hung-tsan fa-hua ch'uan (T. 2067), p.113 ch. 3, pp. 16c-17a, by Hui-hsiang (n.d.). This collection is dated to 667 A.D., and here Fa-jung is represented as a master of the Lotus Sutra, an indication of his close affinity with the T'ien-t'ai School. 11. See note 6 above. 12. TWT ch. 64. 13. Biography in CDC ch. 3, p. 53b and CTL ch. 4, pp. 229bc. 14. Biography in CTS ch. 190 and in HTS ch. 203. For a treatment of Li Hue's Buddhist involvement see the author's MA. Thesis: The Relationship Between Confucian Men of Letters and Buddhist Monks During the Latter Half of the T'ang Dynasty: A Study in Assimilation and Harmonization Between Two Major Spiritual Traditions in China. University of Copenhagen, 1983, pp. 22-26. 15. The title of this inscription is Hang-chou Chin-shan Ssu To-chueh shih pei-ming composed by Li Chi-fu (758-814), CTW Tao-ch'in's biography is in CDC ch. 3, p. 53b and in CTL oh. 4, pp. 230ab. 16. CTW ch. 512. 17. Biography in CTS ch. 160. See also biographical note in CTW ch. 610. 18. In TWT ch.64. 19. This stupa was built in 774 A.D. during the reign of T'ai-tsung (762-779). 20. A Korean Ch'an (Son) collection of biographies compiled in 952 A.D. by the two Korean monks Chong and Un. For a discussion of this important text see Paul Demieville: Le Recueil de la Salle des Patriarches: Tsou-T'ang Tsi TP LVI, 1-3, 1970, pp. 262-286. 21. See note l. 22. See CDC ch. 3, p. 51a, and CTL ch. 4, p. 227a. 23. For a discussion of the monks under whom Fa-jung studied see Hakuju Ui: Zenshuu shi kenkyuu. Vol. 2, Tokyo, 1939-43 (reprint 1966), pp. 511-519. 24. One of the earliest structured Buddhist traditions in China based on the madhyaamika philosophy of Nagaarjuna (ca. 3rd cent.). Its status as a school of Chinese Buddhism did not arise until far into the T'ang dynasty. For a discussion of the lineage in the San-lun School see Ryuuko Furusaka: Sanron gakuha ni okeru sosho mondai. IB XVIII, 2, 1970, pp. 609-10. For treatments of the San-lun thought and history in English see Hsueh-li Cheng: Chi-tsang's Treatment of Metaphysical Issues. JCP 8 (1981) , pp. 371-989, and Aaron K. Koseki: The Concept of Practice in San-fun Thought: Chi-tsang and the "Concurrent Insight" of the Two Truths. PEW 31, 4, 1981, pp. 449-466, and: Later Maadhyamika. in China: Some Current Perspectives on the History of Chinese Prajnaapaaramitaa Thought. JIABS. Vol. 5,2, 1982. The latter article is a review article of Hirai Shun'ei's monumental work: Chuugoku hannya kenkyuu. Tokyo, 1976. 25. One of the important Buddhist denominations in Southern China during Suifirst half of the T'ang period. The impotance of T'ien-t'ai meditation practices in relation to the formulation of early Ch'an Buddhism has still not been thoroughly investigated, however some aspects have been touched upon in recent P.114 Japanese scholarship. See Kenju Komatsu: Maka shikan no hoben. IB XXVI, 2, 1978, pp. 826-828. Toshio Kaxama: Maka shikan To Nanshuuzen no kankei ni tsuite. IB XXVIII,1, 1979, pp. 51-55, Keisho Sengoku: Nangaku eshi no zenkan. IB XXXI, 1, 1982, pp. 256-58. 256-58, two articles by Hideto Ono: Tendai Kanjin jikiho no kenkyuu. IB XXIX, 1, 1980,pp. 326-332, and Shiki Tendai no ten shiso. IR XXIV 1, 1975, pp. 114-118, Rosan Ikeda; Tendai Chigi no reiho taikei. IB XXIX, 1, 1980, pp. 37-41, and Kobaku Sakamoto: Tendai ni okeru shizen. IB XXXI 1. 1982, pp. 259-262. Important studies in Western languages are Leon Hurvitz: Chih-i, an Introduction to the the and ideas of a Chinese Buddhist Monk. MCB Vol. 12, Bruxelles, 1962; Helwig Schmidt-Glintzer: Die Identitat Der Buddhistischen Schulent und Die Kompilation Buddhistischer Universalgeschichren in China. Wiesbaden, 1982; and Paul Magnin: La Vie et l'Euvre de Huisi (515-577) . Publications de l'Ecole Franraise D'extreme-Orient Vol. CXVI. Paris, 1979. 26. See Tokiwa and Sekino pp. 17-19 (also note 5). 27. The first mention of the supposed meeting between Fa-jung and Tao-hsin can be found in Kuei-feng Tsung-mi's Yuan-chueh ching ta-hsu ch'ao (HTC Vol. 14, p. 279b) from 823 A.D. The earlier inscriptions only mention the lineage. See also CDC ch. 3, pp. 51ab. The biographical entry on Fa-jung in CTL mentions that Tao-hsin went to Niu-t'ou Shan in "the middle of the Chen-kuan period" (627-649 A.D.); CTL ch. p. 227a. 28. CDC ch. 3, p. 53a. 29. Biography in HKSC ch. 25, pp. 602ac. See also the above mentioned later stele-inscriptions and the line of transmission as given in CDC ch. 3, p. 53a. 30. This has also been noted by John R. McRae in his The Ox-head School of Chinese Ch'an Buddhism, p. 178. 31. Biography in the stele-inscription "T'ang Ku Kuei-feng hui sh'an-shih ch'uan-fa pei, by P'ei Hsiu (797-870), CSTP ch. 114. For a reprint of the original inscription see "P'ei Hsiu tzu-t'ieh", publ. by Hsi-ch'uan jen-min ch'u-pan she, Ch'eng-tu, 1981. See also the biographical entries in CDC ch. 5, pp. 114a-116a and CTL ch. 13, pp. 305c-308b. For a study of the life and Ch'an thought of this important master see Jan Yun-hua: Tsung-mi: His Analysis of Ch'an Buddhism. TP LVIII, 1972;pp. 1-54 for a discussion and complete translation of Tsung-mi's Ch'an-yuan chu-ch'uan chi tou-hsu (T. 2015) see Jeffery Broughton: Kuei-feng Tsung-mi. The Convergence of Ch'an and the Teachings. Ph.D. Dissertation, Columbia University, 1975. 32. T. 2015. p. 402c, HTC Vol. 14, p. 279b, HTC Vol. 110, pp. 436d-437a. 33. Ch'an-yuan chu-ch'uan chi tu-hsu (T. 2015), p. 402c. 34. Ibid. This characterization will appear quite fair when compared with the contents of the Hsin-ming. 35. Biography in CDC ch. 16, pp. 309a-312a and CTL ch. 9, pp. 266abc. For a trans- p.115 lation of his yu-lu compiled by P'ei Hsiu, i.e. the Ch'uan-hsin fa-yao (T. 2012) see John Blofeld: The Zen Teaching of Huang Po. London, 1958. 36. Hsi-yun's critique of Fa-jung is found in CTL ch. 9. p. 266c. 37. In the scripture catalogues compiled by Eun (n.d.) (T. 2168AB) and Enchin (814-889) (T. 2169, 2170, 2171, 2172, 2173) we find the titles of the following texts bearing the name of Fa-jung: Chu chin-kang pan-jo ching in one chapter pp. 1088, Chu chin-kang pan-jo in two chapters pp. 1091, Wei-mo ching chi in one chapter pp. 1091, Hua-yen ching szu-chi in one chapter pp. 1151 In addition to these texts several more bear the name Niu-t'ou probably also meaning Fa-jung. If these commentaries actually were written by Fa-jung, it is readily understandable why we find citations from the Vimalakiirti Suutra and the Avatamsaka Suutra in the CKL. In Lionel Giles's Discriptive Catalogue of the Chinese Manuscripts from Tun-huang in the British Museum. London, 1957, p. 129 (S. 2944) we find a text called Jung Ch'an-shih ting-hou yin (The Ch'an master Jung's Song Following Samaadhi), which through further investigation might turn out to be a work by Fa-jung too. 38. Pelliot (hereafter P.) 2732, P. 2885 and P. 2045. A modern version, annotated and translated into modern Japanese and English can be found in Chueh-kuan lun. Ed. by Gishin Tokiwa. Kyoto, 1973. This book is based on the research of a study-group under the supervision of Seizan Yanagida at the Institute for Zen Studies in Kyoto. In the English translation Tokiwa translates the "kuan" ([ )in the title as "contemplation", however this author disagrees with the rendering of "kuan" in this particular case, finding that "views" or "opinions" as a translation of kuan are much more in accordance with the real meaning of the title. See also McRae pp. 208-9 for a discussion of the meaning of kuan. 39. Yanagida's argument for the attribution of the Chueh-kuan lun (hereafter CKL) to Fa-jung appears to be well documented and there can be little doubt that the text is from his hand. See Tokiwa pp. 2-3 and p. 23 note 7. 40. See Hsin-ming (hereafter HM) pp. 457b line 2, p. 457c line 2, p. 457c line 3, p. 457 line 12 and p. 458a line 6, and CKL (Tokiwa version) section III, p. 89, section VI, p. 91, section IX, p. 93 and section X, pp. 93-94. Compare fx. the opening passage of CKL with that of Tao-te ching. The "taoistic" touch apparent in the Niu-t'ou doctrines should not be interpreted to mean that this school of Ch'an was a mixture of Lao-Chuang Taoism (wrongly called Neo-Taoism) and dhyaana Buddhism, but should rather be seen as a genuine Chinese Buddhist interpretation of maadhyamika philosophy emphasising the practical realization of universal emptiness partly expressed through Lao-Chuang terminology. When seen from this angle, then the Niu-t'ou doctrines constitute a logical and direct continuation of the type of Chinese maadhyamika evident in such a work as Chao-lun (T. 1858) et al. 41. CTL ch. 4, pp.227b-228a. p.116 42. The CTL as such is admittedly quite late, however the contents of the Fa-jung biography included therein agrees perfectly as far as doctrine goes with that of the HM and CKL, and might very well be at least partly genuine. 43. CTL ch. 30, p. 457c, line 6. 44. CKL section VI, p. 91. 45. Ibid, section IV, pp. 89-90. 46. See note 36. 47. T. 2837, pp. 1286c-1289b. See also the modern Japanese version by Seizan Yanagida in Shoki no Zenshi, 1. Zen no goroku 2. Tokyo, 1971, pp. 49-326. It has deen translated into English by David W. Chappell in Early Ch'an in China and Tibet, pp. 107-129. 48. CTL ch.30, pp. 457ab. 49. Biography in Pao-lin ch'uan (Zengaku gyosho Vol. 5), comp. by Seizan Yanagida, reprint 1983) ch. 8, pp. 148-154, CDC ch. 2, pp. 41ab and CTL ch. 3, pp. 211c- 212b. 50. The teaching on the unobtainability of phenomena is identical in the two works and so is that of non-duality. It must be noted however, that the Hsin hsin-ming has a stronger leaning towards the doctrine of tathaagatagarbha (fo-hsing) than the HM. 51. Biography in the Li-tai fa-pao chi (T. 2075), pp. 185c-196b and CTL ch. 4, pp, 234b-235a. 52. Biography in CDC ch. 3, pp. 56b-57a and CTL ch. 5, pp. 245ab. A biographical treatment in French can be found in Jacques Gernet: "Biographie du Maitre Chen-houei de Ho-tso." Journal Asiatique, CCXLIX, 1951, pp. 29-60. 53. CTW ch.908. 54. The Buddha Mind or Buddha Nature (fo-hsing).(b)(1) 55. The various Buddhist methods and teachings. 56. Meaning that life as such is manifesting the un-born or absolute. This has been presented in the Prajnaapaaramitaahrdaya Sutra (Nsin ching, T.250) in the following words: "Form is emptiness, emptiness is form." 57. A type of meditation practice common in the Northern Ch'an School of Shenhsiu (605-706 A.D.). This method is called shou-hsin (observing the mind). 58. If one practices in this way, according to Fa-jung one will still be subject of dualistic thinking. 59. The realization of suchness (tathataa). 60. 1) The world of desire, 2) the world of form and 3) the world of no-form (the formless world). 61. This is the socalled dharmadhaatu-origination, a cardinal doctrine in the "Hua-yan ching". 62. The one characteristic or the one mark is suchness. 63. The essential nature,the Buddha Mind. 64. 1) Permanence, 2) joy, 3) personality and 4) purify. These Four Virtues were p.117 expounded by the Buddha in the "Mahaaparinirvaana Suutra'. (T 374). They are attributes of the Buddha Nature. 65. l)Dharmakaaya, 2)Sambhogakaaya, 3)Nirmaanakaaya. 66. 1)Eye, 2) ear, 3) nose, 4) tongue, 5)body and 6) mind (consciousness). 67. This is a very orthodox "Indian" description of the correct behavior of a Buddhist ascetic. It is said that some of the Niu-t'ou masters roamed about living in the woods never settling down in a temple. The master Niao-k'e Tao-lin (741-824) is one such example. 68. The meaning here is not quite clear to the translator. 69. Again a critique of the Northern Ch'an practice of shou-hsin. 70. The direct perception of the un-born. 71. Past, present and future. 72. This is tandem with the statement in note 14. 73. See note 11. 74. 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