BUDDHISM AND CONFUCIANISM IN CH'I-SUNG'S ESSAY ON TEACHING (YUAN-TAO)
KOICHI SHINOHARA
Journal of Chinese Philosophy
Vol.9 1982
P.401-422
Copyright @ 1982 by Dialogue Publishing Company, Honolulu,
Hawaii , U.S.A.
.
I.Introduction
P.401
The influence of Buddhism on the formation of
Neo-Confucianism during the Sung period was many-sided and
the effort to clarify this issue poses a number of very
difficult methodological problems. Neo-Confucianism has been
characterized as an attempt to hold together a broad range of
concerns within a precarious synthesis.(1) Central to this
synthesis is the balance between the internal concerns of
mind cultivation and external social-political concerns. Mind
cultivation is a central theme in Chinese Buddhism, and,
therefore, it is natural to expect certain instances of
Buddhist influence on the Neo-Confucian teaching concerning
mind cultivation. Neo-Confucians, however, defined their
position in a highly self-conscious opposition to Buddhism.
Because of this any attempt to identify Buddhist influence
conflicts with the intentions of the Neo-Confucians
themselves, especially on the basis of an analysis of the
Neo-Confucian texts which explicitly reject Buddhism and
attempt to restore the ancient Confucian teaching.
The sharpening of the attack on Buddhism that accompanied
the rise of Neo-Confucianism in turn stimulated the writing
of Buddhist defences which generally emphasized the harmony
between Buddhism and the ancient Chinese Way. These defences
often reinterpreted the Confucian teaching from the Buddhist
point of view. The writings of a Sung Buddhist Ch'i-sung(a)
(1007-1072)(2) are a good example of such a defence. In these
writings the superiority of the Buddhist cultivation of mind
is openly stated and the Confucian tradition is reinterpreted
in the light of this claim. The relationship between mind
cultivation and other external concerns is also discussed
extensively.
This paper is an attempt to examine the first and piv
-otal essay in
P.402
Ch'i-sung's Fu-chiao-pien(b) ('Essays for Assisting the
Teaching') , entitled 'An Inquiry on the Teaching'(
Yan-chiao),(c3) within the general framework of questions
concerning Buddhist influence on Neo-Confucianism. I will
first describe the overall orientation of Ch'i-sung's
discussion and then examine what appears to be the kernel of
his argument in some detail by focussing on the two concepts
of ch'ing(d) ('emotion') and shen(e) ('spirit', 'soul').
II. THE OUTLINE OF CH'I-SUNG'S ARGUMENT
1N Yan-CHIAO.
The title of the essay brings to mind the famous work by
Han y(f) entitled Yan-tao(g) ('An Inquiry on the Way') in
which the latter develops a systematic critique of Buddhism
and Taoism and outlines his views on what he considers to be
the true Way, i.e., the Confucian Way.(4) Similarly, but from
the Buddhist perspective, the substance of Ch'i-sung's
discussion in Yan-chiao deals with such questions as: why
should Buddhism be promoted and followed in China? and why
and how is Buddhism compatible with Confucianism and the
Chinese tradition in general? These questions are answered by
showing the good influences of Buddhism on affairs of this
world such as government and family life.
The general outline of Ch'i-sung's argument can be
described initially by taking a brief look at the two
formulae used in his discussion. The first formula, which
appears near the beginning of the essay, (5) indicates the
place of 'this-worldly' concerns within the Buddhist teaching
as a whole. Ch'i-sung summarizes the teaching of the Sage,
here clearly the Buddha, in terms of the five vehicles,
namely, the Human Vehicle, the Heavenlyy Vehicle, the Hearer
Vehicle, the Pratyekabuddha Vehicle ('Yan-chueh cheng'),(h)
and the Bodhisattva Vehicle.(6) He groups the last three as
vehicles for transcending this world and the first two as veh
-icles for regulating thisworldly (or inner-worldly) life.
The Human Vehicle, i.e., the vehicle that results in rebirth
as a human being, is identified further with the lay Buddhist
teaching of Five Precepts. The Heavenly Vehicle that leads to
rebirth in heaven is identified with the teaching of Ten Good
Conducts (shih shan)(i) Ch`i-sung insists that each of the
Five Precepts and the Ten Good Conducts
P.403
should be understood in a broad and general sense, thus
giving these lists a less legalistic and more ethical
character. For example, the prohibition against theft is
understood to mean not only that one should not steal other
people's possessions but also that one should not receive
anything if it is not right (pu i pu ch'u).(j) Ch'i-sung
believed that, understood in this way, these lay Buddhist
teachings constitute a superior moral and political teaching.
In this formulation it is true that the secondary place of
this-worldly concerns within Buddhism is confirmed, but their
importance is still highlighted by the treatment of these
concerns as 'vehicles'.
The second formula is found in his comparison of the Buddhist
and Confucian teachings.(7) According to Ch'i-sung, both
Buddhism and Confucianism teach the same truth: the Buddhist
teaching of the Five Precepts and the Ten Good Conducts and
the Confucian teaching of 'humanity'(jen) (k) and
'righteousness' (yi) (1) are "one in substance though
different in name".(8) The difference is due to the fact that
Confucianism is a teaching of 'one age' (i shih),m i.e., our
life in this world, while Buddhism is a teaching of 'three
ages' (san shih),(n) i.e., our former, present and future
lives in different realms of existence. With this formula,
Ch'i-sung is highlighting the fact that Buddhism teaches a
doctrine of moral retribution in future births. He suggests
above all that Buddhism works better than Confucianism even
as a teaching for this life, because, in fearing future
retribution, people will be inclined to follow its moral
instruction very faithfully in their present life.
These two formulae show that Ch'i-sung's intention is to
argue both that the Buddhist teaching deals with this-worldly
concerns such as good government and family life as well, and
that, although the substance of its teaching on these
subjects is not different from what Confucianism teaches, it
teaches more'effectively than the latter. The essay develops
this basic viewpoint by grounding it on a more elaborate
philosophical analysis and by drawing out its implications in
the form of a critique of various misunderstandings and
attacks on Buddhism.
Ill. "TRACE", "SOURCE", "BRANCH", AND 'TRUNK": THE PLACE OF
CH'ING ('EMOTION') IN CH'I-SUNG'S COMPARISON OF BUDDHISM AND
CONFUCIANISM.
P.404
Ch'i-sung works out the difference between Confucianism and
Buddhism in terms of their different orientations to the
realm of ch'ing ('emotion').(9) The place of ch'ing in
Ch'i-sung's world-view may be seen in the opening passage of
the essay:
The myriad things have hsing(o) ('nature') and
ch'ing('emotion'). The past and the present (i.e.,
the temporal continuity) have death (ssu)(p) and
life (sheng).(q) Moreover, death, life, hsing. and
ch 'ing have always been bound by the links of
mutual causation. Death is by its very nature caused
by life. Life is by its very nature caused by
ch'ing. Ch'ing is by its very nature caused by
hsing. Ch'ing is the bond (lei)(r) that lets myriad
things float and sink in life and death. The sage
has a broad vision and infers the cause back to the
point prior to life in order to reveal its origin.
He also points to the completion after death in
order to teach the reason for cultivation.
Therefore, he guides the whole Realm under Heaven
with his Way, controlling the ch'ing-stained
falsehood in the present and contributing to the
inevitable completion in the future. The life has
both its past and future, and these make up the
three ages together with the present. From the fact
that the completion of the good in the future is due
to the cultivation in the present, it is clearly to
be seen that the present condition is the result of
what one has practiced in the past. As for ch 'ing,
all that issues forth from hsing is ch 'ing.
Habitual practices involving ch'ing (ch'ing-hsi)(s)
may be either good or evil. In their transformation
they profoundly and mysteriously (ming jan)(t)
commune (with other forces) according to (their
respective) categories (of good and evil, and
the (process) becomes completed.(10)
In this passage the cosmic processes are analyzed in terms of
the causal rela- tionship among hsing, ch'ing,(11) sheng,
('life','birth'), and ssu ('death'). As the element that
links the former with later lives, ch'ing has an impo -rtant
place in this analysis. It is involved in what we do in this
life, and such prac- tices, which may either be good or evil,
determine our later lives. The terms such as 'transformation'
(hua),(u) 'darkly' (ming-jan), 'communion' (kan),(v)
p.405
and 'completion' (ch'eng) (w) are used to describe this
determination as mys terious cosmic processes. The sage is
the one who has special insights into these processes.
Ch'i-sung states in the immediately following passage that
the Buddha provided men with the teaching of the Five
Vehicles on the basis of these insights.
The significance of this focus on ch'ing in Ch'i-sung's
discussion becomes clearer as one examines his comparison
between Buddhism and Confucianism more closely. After stating
that the Buddhist teaching of the Five Precepts and the Ten
Good Conducts and the Confucian teaching of 'humanity' and
'righteousness' are identical in substance, Ch'i-sung
continues,
Now,'humanity' and 'righteousness' are the trace (chih)
(x) of earlier kings' governing of this one age(i-shih).
The discussion in terms of trace always results in
differences. The inference in terms of the principle
(li)(y) always results in identity. The trace comes from
the principle and the principle is the origin (tsu)(z) of
the trace. The trace is the branch(mo)(aa) and the
principle is the trunk (pen).(ab) The gentleman seeks the
trunk and deals with (ts'o) (ac) the branch (from
there).(12)
Confucianism is here understood as a 'trace' and 'branch'.
The implication is that Confucianism is not wrong and does
not have to be rejected, but that it needs to be placed
within the proper perspective.
We need to follow Ch'i-sung's discussion a little further
to see what the substance of this perspective is and what the
terms such as 'principle', 'origin', and 'trunk' in this
passage refer to in reality. After a brief comment on the
importance of taking into account the difference of the
context in comparing teachings, Ch'i-sung introduces the
basic formula I focussed on above: Confucianism is the
teaching of one age and Buddhism is the teaching of three
ages. He states further,
If one is speaking of one age, then one must follow (shun)
(ad) human emotions (jen ch'ing)(ae) in order to govern
(chih)(af) its realm of the coming into being of forms
(hsing shen).(ag) If one is speaking of three ages, then
one must rectify the human spirit (jen shen)(ah) in order
to point to the conditioning of karma-s outside of life
and death.(13)
406
In this formulation the 'one age' is understood as the realm
of ch'ing and the 'three ages' as the realm of shen.
Confucianism, which in the previous passage was described as
the "trace of the earlier kings' governing of one age" is
presumably what Ch'i-sung has in mind here when he talks of
the teaching that "follows human emotions (jen ch 'ing)".
Shen here means the immortal 'soul' that transmigrates and
receives the consequences of good and bad karmas in rebirths
in different realms of existence. This interpretation is
confirmed by Ch'i-sung's reference to the metaphor of fire
and fire wood in the immediately following apssage.(14)
There, it is also explicitly stated that the habitual
practices involving ch'ing (ch'ing-hsi) determine the karmic
retribution.
Ch'i-sung's position may be reconstructed in the following
manner. Confucianism deals with this life and world, i.e.,the
realm of ch'ing,as a whole in itself. This can only take the
form of governing (chih) , ordering this world through
'following' ch'ing. This also is understood as staying on the
level of the 'trace' and 'branch'. Buddhism, however, deals
with ch'ing more fundamentally and sets it within a broader
perspective. Thus, since ch'ing comes from hsing, one should
be able to deal with it as the 'trace' and the 'branch' of
the deeper and universally identical 'principle' or 'trunk'
by locating oneself on the level of hsing. This location
gives one a broader perspective and enables one to deal with
the world of ch'ing by focussing on the way it brings moral
retribution in future rebirths.
Ch'i-sung discusses the Buddhist orientation to ch 'ing
in greater detail in a long and difficult passage, I will
first offer a tentative translation of the passage and then
reconstruct the outline of his reasoning briefly.
Some say,'The Way of the Buddha transcends ch 'ing. Now
if He conducts himself in such a manner (that is, to
teach sentient beings according to their respective
circumstances), how would it not involve ch'ing? Does the
Buddha also have ch'ing? " I answer, "All (things that
have) shapes and forms(hsing hsiang(ai)) have ch'ing. How
could it be that the Buddha alone is without ch'ing? The
Buddha practices ch'ing while not participating in ch'ing
(hsing ch'ing erh pu ch'ing(aj).) The critic says, "What
the Buddha does is similar to 'humanity' and
'righteousness'. How could one not(15) call 'humanity'
and 'righteousness' ch'ing?"
P.407
I answer 'What is 'humanity'? It refers to 'kind love'
(hui-ai) .(ak) What is 'righteousness'? It refers to
'appropriateness' (shih-i)(al) Both 'appropriateness' and
'love' arise from hsing and takes shape (hsing)(am) in
function (y n g).(an) If they were not ch'ing, what
would they be? If one speaks in terms of ch'ing, then
'humanity' and 'righteousness' are good ones among
ch'ing. If one conducts oneself in terms of ch'ing his
activity (shih)(ao) is close to ch'an(ap) (provisional
or relative norms). If one conducts oneself in terms of
what is not (i.e., outside of) ch'ing, then his activity
is close to li. Hsing manifests itself (hsiang)(aq) in
identity and ch'ing manifests itself in diversity.
Because of diversity, there is always competition in the
Realm under Heaven. Because of identity, there is always
security (an)(ar) in the Realm under Heaven. The Buddha
wishes to cease competition, and, therefore, He promotes
the thoughtful mind (huai)(as) and lets myriad things
exist. Thing' refers to all beings whether insects,
animals, or plants. The Buddha shows general compassion
to them and does not scatter(16) and damage them. 'Living
beings' refer to all living beings whether noble, humble,
wise, or ignorant. The Buddha leads them equally (in
identity), letting them seek (the goal themselves). To
promote hsing and to identify himself with many living
beings- does this not refer to the Great Sincerity (ta
ch'eng)?(at) To promote the thoughtful mind and to let
myriad things exist without exception-does this not refer
to the Great Compassion (ta tz'u)?(au) Because of the
Great Compassion His communion (kan) with man is deep.
Because of the Great Sincerity. His transformation (hua)
is effortless.(17)
The Buddha, "practices ch'ing while not participating in
ch'ing". Ch'i-sung's own commentary, often freer in the use
of explicitly Buddhist terminology and references, explains
this passage with a quote from the Nirvana sutra:
The Tathagata is truely without worries and sufferings,
yet he gives rise to the great compassion toward sentient
beings and manifests (the condition of having) worries
and sufferings.(l8)
The uniqueness of the Buddha's relationship to ch'ing is here
understood as the simultaneous combination of involvement and
detachment. The motive
P.408
behind this somewhat paradoxical orientation is compassion.
Ch'i-sung's reasoning in the long passage may be summarized
in the following manner. The manifold forms of the teaching
of the sage belong to the sphere of ch'ing and are motivated
by the sage's 'compassion'. The ultimate truth and reality,
li(y) and hsing, constitute the sphere of identity which
transcends chi'ng and the sage embodies it immediately in his
'sincerity'.(19) Again, the manifold forms of teaching are
said to be comparable to the Confucian teachings of
'humanity' and 'righteousness'. They are the 'trace' and
'branch', to use the terminology encountered earlier, while
the one truth embodied immediately in the sage is referred to
as li and hsing, terms paired with 'trace','branch: and ch'ing
in earlier passages. Ch'i-sung is again saying that the Buddhist
teaching deals with ch'ing in terms of its source or foundation.
So far we have shown that Ch'i-sung regards Confucianism
and Buddhism as differing in their orientation to the world
of ch'ing. This focus results from Ch'i-sung's basic
viewpoint: it is the attachment to Ch 'ing which determines
the rebirth. Here, Ch'i-sung is a good Buddhist. He follows
the implications of this viewpoint further and points out
that only Buddhism provides the broad perspective and
insights into the mechanism of transmigration. Consequently,
only Buddhism teaches the ultimately correct way of dealing
with ch'ing. But Ch'i-sung is also a universalist and wants
to show that Confucianism provides a way that is not entirely
wrong even if it is only relatively and secondarily true. It
is within this perspective that the difference between these
two ways of dealing with ch'ing is explained in terms of the
analysis of the relationship between ch'ing and hsing as the
'branch' and 'trunk'.
IV. INTERNAL CULTIVATION AND EXTERNAL CONTROL
Upon examing further Ch'i-sung's comparison between Buddhism
and Confucianism, one is struck by the fact that the
comparison is carried out rather consistently as a discussion
of mind. The difference between the two teachings has been
described in the passages examined above in terms of their
different orientations to ch'ing or emotion. In another
passage this same issue is discussed using the contrast
between internal cultivation and external
P.409
control.
Now, if one wishes to make a man's mind follow (moral
teachings) and cultivate himself on his own, nothing is
better than internal communion (kan). If one wishes to
make a man's words and behaviour obedient, nothing is
better than external control (chih).(av) The external
control requires the setting up of the teaching using the
human way (jen tao) (aw) in order to invite the expected
results. The internal communion requires the setting up
of the teaching using the spiritual way (shen tao)(ax) in
order to let it exert its transforming influences without
fail. Therefore, when the Buddha conducts himself in
terms of the Way, He deals first with the spiritual
reality (shen) and then with man. This is also called
"first internal communion and then external con-
trol".(20)
The terminology in this passage is suggestive. The 'inner'
(nei)(ay) realm, the realm of shen ('spirit', 'soul'), is the
realm in which processes' described as 'communion'
(kan),'cultivation' (hsiu),(az) and 'transformation' (hua)
take place. The concept that characterizes the 'outer'
(wai)(ba) realm of the 'human way' is 'control' chih). These
terms indicate that Ch'i-sung conceived the inner realm as
the realm of spontaneous and mysterious processes and the
outer realm as the realm of self-conscious controls which
utilize human institutions.(21) The basic assumption is that
only if one is in tune with the spontaneous and mysterious
processes is one able to exercise effective controls that use
or take the shape of social institutions.
An earlier passage from the essay(22) is helpful in
interpreting the point Chi-sung is making. When comparing the
ancient Chinese government and the Buddhist approach;
Ch'i-sung said that ancient Chinese rulers deplored the
decline of age due to the disorder of ch'ing and treated
people kindly with 'humanity' and 'righteousness'. They used
rewards to promote good deeds and punishments to discourage
evil ones. Yet, in spite of the increase in rewards and
punishments, the decline continued. Buddhism, in contrast, is
capable of making people turn to the good and distance
themselves from evil without using rewards and punishments.
This comparison suggests that the 'control' in the quoted
passage means the use of human institutions that
P.410
rely heavily on the external manipulation of human behaviour
through rewards and punishments. Government based on Buddhist
principle works somewhat differently.
Let us follow the argument a little further:
Shen refers to the mind (ching shen, (bb) 'subtle
spirituality') of man. It does not refer to licentious
and delusive matters of kuei(bc) and shen (evil and good
spirits). (It means that) if a man cultivates (hsiu) his
mind (ching shen) and makes his practice good, then in
his life fortune responds (ying)(bd) and at death his
shen rises in purity;if he does not cultivate his mind
(ching shen), and his practice is evil and deluded,then
in his life things will not be auspicious, and at death
his shen will receive punishments. Therefore, when all in
the Realm under Heaven hears this teachings, their mind
(hsin)(be) will move in response (kan tung),(bf) and the
evil deeds are prevented and the good ones increased.
This silent transforming effects (hua) works in all ages.
But this teaching appeared in China only when the time
(shih shu,(bg) 'age number') was right and responded
(ying) to the movement (kan) of the human mind(jen hsin)
.(bh) Otherwise, how could it be that when a man
cultivates himself with its teaching, the Heaven and the
Earth responds (ying) to it and the kuei and shen show
effects (hsiao) .(bi) If the appropriate time (shu,
'number')(bj) has not arrived and the principle of mutual
communion (hsiang kan chih li)(bk) has not reached the
extreme point, how could one preserve or remove it (i.e.,
Buddhism) following one's arbitrary likes and dislikes?
This could be compared to the fact that the rulers such
as wang(bl) and pa(bm) arrive only when the time is right
(hsn shih) (bn) and responds to people (ying jen).(bo)
How would the case of Buddhism be different?(23)
In this passage Ch'i-sung is making two points. First, he
insists that it is the cultivation of mind and moral practice
that determines the fate of one's 'soul' (shen) in its
rebirth. Ch'i-sung's view that the Buddhist teaching results
in good government is based on the consideration that once
people learn about future consequences of mind cultivation
and good conduct they will all turn to good deeds and avoid
evil ones. Secondly,Ch'i-sung explains that the process
through which the cultivation of mind shows its effects is
P.411
governed by the mysterious cosmic mechanism of interaction
with mind described by such terms as 'communion' (kan) and
'response' (ying). What Ch'i-sung has described as 'internal
communion' and the 'spiritual way turns out to be a form of
cultivation that is oriented to the mysterious interaction
between the mental and cosmic processes.
V. 'PRIVATIZING' AND OTHER MISUNDERSTANDINGS OF THE
NATURE OF THE WAY AND BUDDHISM.
Ch'i-sung comments upon the relationship between Confucianism
and Buddhism a little more concretely in other parts of this
essay. For example, he traces the effects of the practice of
the Five Precepts an the Ten Good Conducts and says that if
they are cultivated from the village below to the Imperial
Court above, virtues such as 'humanity' (jen) , 'moral
integrity' (lien) , (bp) 'rectitude' (cheng) , (bq) and
'truthfulness' (hsin) (br) would result. Under such
circumstances,
How would there be a man's younger brother who does not
treat the older brother with proper affection (ti'),(bs)
a man's son who does not serve his parents with final
piety(hsiao)(bt), who does not respect (ching)(bu) her
husband, a man's friend who does not lead each other to
good deeds (yi shan hsing chih)(bv), and a man's minister
who is not loyal (chung) to his ruler, and a man's ruler
who does not treat his people with humanity (jen).(24)
Ch'i-sung is here recommending the practice of the Buddhist
teaching on the ground that it will result in a society in
which everyone performs the Confucian virtues appropriate to
his circumstance. The assumption here is that these virtues
indeed constitute an ideal. The difference between
Confucianism and Buddhism lies not in their views of the
ideal but in the manner in which they lead people toward that
idea. Ch'i-sung is a convinced universa- list.
Ch'i-sung uses the term szu(bw) ('private', 'privatize')(25)
to describe an important misunderstanding concerning the
nature of the Way. Interestingly, the term is used in two
distinct senses in the essay. In one passage he argues
P.412
as Follows,
Thus, how could the Way of the Buddha be a private (szu)
affair of an individual? The Buddha also intended to
influence the whole Realm under Heaven, states, and
families. How would it (i.e., his teaching) ever not
preserve the relationships between the ruler and subjects
and between the father and the son? How would it obstruct
the Way of life and growth? However, it is not something
that is proclaimed by officials. Rather, the principles
through which it works its transforming influences (ch'i
hua chih li)(bx) are hidden and difficult to see.
Therefore,the worldly people are not capable of beleving
them completely.(26)
Here, the term szu is used to describe the failure to see the
public and thisworldly influences of the Buddhist teaching.
Buddhism teaches people not only as individuals but also as
members of the society. To neglect the latter aspect is to
'privatize' it.
Several lines later, however, the same term is used in a
different sense. Here, Ch'i-sung is talking about ancient
Chinese sages such as Yao and Shun.
How would such sages say, "Because this man performs good
deeds without relying on our way,we will not accept these
good deeds", and "Only when a man does good deeds relying
on our way, will we treat them as good"? If they say such
things, then these sages would be privatizing (szu) the
Way. How would the sages privatize the Way?(27)
Here, szu does not mean the disregard of the public character
of the Buddhist teaching, but the failure to see its
universal character. To privatize the way means to treat the
Way as if it were one's private property. This implies that
others, too, will treat their Ways as their own private
property. This would relativize the Way.
Ch'i-sung concludes this discussion of the 'privatizing'
of the Way by pointing out that Confucian sages in fact were
all eager to seek and adopt good things in their lives. This
attitude is explained as an example of the general principle
that the things of the same categories (lei)(by) respond with
each other. The sages would have reacted positively to
Buddhism if they
P.413
were living at the time when it reached China. The misfortune
was that it arrived too late, and concequently,the followers
of Confucianism and those of Buddhism ended up rejecting each
other.
The point of Ch'i-sung's critique of the privatizing' of
the Way is not difficult to see: he is again insisting that
the cultivation of the Way, especially the Buddhist Way, has
public consequences of the type that the ancient Confucian
sage kings aspired to achieve. To think otherwise is to
distort its essence in a manner that puts private interests
above the public good.
The last sections of the essay discuss several common
misunderstandings and criticisms of Buddhism.(28) Ch'i-sung's
comments here develop some of the more concrete implications
of his position. Ch'i-sung begins his discussion with a
broader statement:
Buddhist scriptures by their very nature also use many
methods Later followers are unable to teach them to
people in a manner that is appropriate to their
circumstances. The result is that their beliefs become
excessive: the ruler, misunderstanding the nature of good
deeds, wishes immediately to give up his kingdom and
place himself as a lowly slave, and worldly people, due
to shallow understanding, immediately wish to give up
their occupations and without good reason to concentrate
on (attaining) the height of superior monks. This cannot
be called the (correct) use of the Buddha mind for
practicing the Way. Does not the scripture say, "The
Buddhas preach the Dharma appropriately: their purport is
hard to understand"? Therefore, the practice of Buddhism
is not confined to wearing the black robe and cutting the
hair. Such is the (emphasis on the) practice of mind in
Buddhism. How can it be a superficial understanding
(hsiao t'ung,(bz) 'minor penetraion').(29)
The commentary on the last section of this passage explains
its point in terms of the importance of the correct practice
and treats monks and lay followers equally from this point of
view.
This same orientation that emphasizes the internal cultivation
and relativizes the external appearances and consequences is
also found in Ch'i-sung's discussion of the Buddhist practice
of 'giving'. Here Ch'i-sung is discussing the criticism of
Buddhism that focusses on its social consequences:
P.414
(Critics say), "You (Buddhists) fill up the Realm under
Heaven in a disorderly fashion and are not registered in
the list of four peoples. You vainly advocate the virtue
of' giving' and the doctrine of retribution, and are
clothed and fed by people. It would be lucky if that does
not bring difficulties in the Realm under Heaven. How
could that assist in the government of the world and
bring fortune to the rulers and parents?"(30)
One may recall that such a social critique of Buddhism is
found in Han y's Yan-tao.(31) Ch'i-sung answers it by
denying the negative external (i.e., social) consequences of
Buddhism and by reaffirming the internal merits of the
practice of 'giving' as a form of the cultivation of mind. He
argues that the classification of four peoples is an
institution that the ancient rulers established in order to
prevent disorder among people, and that, therefore, it should
not prohibit people to express kindness (hui) by giving their
profits to others. Presumably such a practice runs no risk of
causing disorder in the world. Additionally, Ch'i-sung points
out that although the differentiation of peoples into four
categories did not exist before Yao and Shun, there was no
shortage of food then. In fact, the introduction of the
well-field system during the Chou period and the abolition of
the institution of kingship (wang-chih)(ca) during the Ch'in,
all events which took place prior to the introduction of
Buddhism (and the formation of the Taoist religion), led to
increasing decay and disorder in the Realm under Heaven. In
light of this he asks, "how can it be that the addition of
these teachings results in epidemics? "(32) According to
Ch'i-sung, food is naturally provided for all men who live
between the Heaven and the Earth, and the critic here is too
worried about such practical affairs of the world and not
sufficiently concerned about people. The point of the
teaching of 'giving' lies in "disolving man's greed and
stinginess and expanding his good mind."(33) Ch'i-sung points
out that 'giving' is a form of kindness that is difficult to
practice, given the natural human feelings (jen ch 'ing). A
passage from the Analects is quoted here:
(Tzu-kung said).If a ruler not only conferred (shih,(cb)
'give') wide benefits upon the common people, but also
compassed the salvation of the whole State, what would
you say of him? Surely, you would call him Good (jen)?
The Master said, It would no
P.415
longer be a matter of 'Good' (jen). He would without
doubt be a Divine Sage. Even Yao and Shun could hardly
criticize him.(34)
Ch'i-sung's argument is that because it is difficult to give,
the teaching of 'giving' is useful and necessary as a form of
cultivating mind.
Ch'i-sung treats another criticism similarly with an
emphasis on the internal cultivation. Here the critic charges
that Buddhists go against the human norm (jen lun chih
tao, (cc) i.e., 'the Way of the human order') that is
summarized in a formula-like expression: "a man has his wife
and a woman her family; one preserves one's hair and skin
perfectly to honour the body given by the parents."(35)
Instead, they (i.e., Buddhists) are preoccupied with personal
cultivation, holding themselves higher than the world. This
charge is answered first by saying that Buddhists, who
practice according to precepts and cultivate their mind,
attain the spiritual penetration(t'ung y shen ming)(cd) and
the extreme virtue, and consequently, when they "repay their
indebtedness with the Way,there is no indebtedness that is
not paid back, " and when they "continue the heritage
(ssu)(ce) with virtue (te),(cf) there is no heritage that is
not continued." So,"while they are not married, they assist
the parents with virtue, and although their outward form may
be damaged, they bring spiritual benefits to the parents with
their Way." (36) This schematic argument is followed by
references to T'ai-po,(cg) Po-i,(ch) and Shu-chi,(ci) who are
praised in Chinese sources in spite of their damaging of the
body and failure to be married. These comments once again
illustrate Ch'i-sung's tendency to treat all questions
ultimately as matters of mind cultivation.
VI. CONCLUDING COMMENTS.
Ch'i-sung's-discussion in the essay as a whole turns around
two basic lines of argument. On the one hand, Ch'i-sung
argues rather straightforwardly that the Buddhist teaching of
transmigration motivates all members of the society to live
and behave correctly. The consequence would be good
govemment, peace and prosperity in the society. Here, the
focus of Ch'i-sung's discussion it clearly upon the lay
Buddhist teaching and references are made to such standard
lists of lay teaching as the Five Precapts and the Ten Good
P.416
Conducts. On the other hand, Ch'i-sung also insists that the
superiority of the Buddhist teaching lies in its focus on
mind cultivation. Here, Ch'i-sung appears to be talking about
Buddhism in general, and, moreover, mind cultivation is
discussed in terms that provide at the same time a
universalistic framework for the comparison between Buddhism
and Confucianism. In this regard Ch'i-sung is developing a
language that is not narrowly Buddhist but rather is
appropriate for the discussion of both Buddhism and
Confucianism. This second line of argument also leads to the
treatment of a wide range of external socio-political
questions ultimately as internal questions of mind
cultivation.
In this paper I have attempted to reconstruct the broad
structure of Ch`i-sung's thought with an expectation that it
may contribute to a more general discussion of the
relationship between Buddhism and the rise of Neo-
Confucianism. With reference to Ch'i-sung I have highlighted
his emphasis on mind-cultivation as the basic orientation for
discussing this relationship; it reveals the basic parallel
between the Neo-Confucianist and Ch'i-sung's Buddhist
position with regard to the necessity of bridging the
internal concern of mind-cultivation and the external concern
of government and society. The study opens up several
possibilities for more specific comparison,(37) but a
systematic examination of these possibilities would lead
, beyond the scope of this paper and must be postponed for
another occa- sion.(38)
MCMASTERS UNIVERSITY HAMILTON, CANADA
NOTES
1.See, for example, Wm. Theodore de Bary's introduction to
The Unfolding of Neo-Confucianism, by Wm.Theodore de Bary
and the Conference on Seventeenth-Century Chinese Thought,
New York & London, Columbia University Press, 1975. For the
importance of the balance between the internal mind
cultivation and external social concerns, see Miura
Kunio,Shushi.(cj) Tokyo, Kodansha, 1979, p.6.
P.417
2.For the most recent and detailed examination of Ch'i-sung's
biography, see, Ando Chishin, "Butsunichi Myokyo Kaisu den
Shiko", Otani Daigaku Kenky ck Nenpo,(ck) No. 29, 1976,
91-133. Ando examined critically Ch'en hsun-y's biography,
"Hsin chin ming chiao to shih hsing yeh chi'"(cl) on which
most later biographies are based, by comparing it with the
contents of Ch'i-sung's collected works. See also, Jan
y n -hua, "Ch'-sung", Sung Biogrophies. 1, pp. 185-194 and
Makita Tairyo, Chugoku Kinsei Bukkyoshi Kenky.(cm) Kyoto,
Heirakysha, 1957, pp. 145-154. Ch'i-sung has been studied
from several points of view. Makita Tairyo interpreted his
writings as an exemplary illustration of the manner in
which the centralizing influences of the Sung state
authority penetrated and were assimilated in Buddhist
thought. Certain of Ch'i-sung's other writings, those
conceerning the patriarchal succesion, have been discussed
in relation to Ch'an historiography. See, for example,
Tokiwa Daijo, Horinden no Kenky , (cn) Tokyo,
Kokusho-Kanko-Kai, 1973; original edition, 1931 on this
issue. In Kubota Ryoon's systematic study of the
interrelationship among the Three Teachings, Shina
Judobutsu Sangyoshiron.(co) Tokyo, Tohoshoin, 1931;and
Shina Judobutsu Koshoshi,(cp) Tokyo, Daidoshuppansha, 1943
Ch'i-sung occupies an important place. Ch'i-sung's
discussion of mind is high-lighted as a predecessor to the
NeoConfucian discussion of mind, especially of Lu
Hsiang-shan, in Kuroda Ryo's history of Chinese
psychological thought (Shina Shinri Shisoshi.(cq) Tokyo,
Koyama-shoten, 1948). A similar viewpoint is; found in
Yoshida Kenko's article on 'Kaisu' (Ch'i-sung) in Chogoku
no Shisokacr Tokyo Daigaku Chugoku Tetsugaku Kenkyushitsu,
ed., Tokyo, Keiso Shoten,1967,II, 449-462.
3.Fu-chiao-pien constitutes the first part of the Hsin-chin
wen-chi.(cs) This latter work is now found in Taisho
Daizokyo(ct) Vol. 52 and Ssu-pu T'sung-k'an,(cu) Series
III. I also consulted a commentary on Fu-chiaopien,
entitled Fu-chiao-pien-yao -i.(cv) This commentary claims
to be the work of Ch'i-sung himself. I used two Japanese
printed editions, one printed in Kan'ei 19 (1642) and the
other with further notes printed in Genroku 9 (1969),both
of which are at the library of the Institute of Oriental
Culture, the University of Tokyo. For a careful study of
the existing editions of Ch'i-sung's works, see, Shiina
Koy, "Sogenban Zenseki Kenky",(cv) 2 and 3, Indogaku
Bukkyogaku Kenky,(cx) 26, 2, March 1978;and 27, 1, 1978.
All references to Ch'i-sung's works here are given in terms
of the Taisho edition unless otherwise indicated.
4.Chu wen-kung hsiao ch'an-li hsien-sheng chi.(cy) Ssu-pu
ts'ung-k'an, I, 95f. For a translation, see W. T. Chan, A
Source Book in Chinese Philosophy, (Princeton, New Jersey:
Princeton University Press, 1969), p. 454 ff., and Wm.
Theodore de Bary, ct al., Sources of Chinese Tradition
(paperback edition, New York and London: Columbia
University Press, 1960) Volume I, p. 376 ff. Here I have
adopted Chan's translation of the rather untranslateable
title of the essay. Ch'isung wrote a major essay, entitled
"Fei Han",(cz) in order to refute Han-y's views. This fact
indicates that Ch'i-sung regarded Han-y as the real
opponent to his
P.418
position. On this essay, see, Fujisawa Makoto. "Kaisu no
sogaku ni taisuru kiyo tokuni 'hikan' wo chushin to suru,
" Shinshu Daigaku Burigakubu Kiyo, No.9, 50-59.
5. 649a8 ff.
6. For a hirtory of the idea of 'five vehicles',
see Mochizuki, Bukkyo Doijiten,(db) p. 1227. The reference
to Tsung-mi's Fo-shuo yu-lan-p'en ching shu, (dc) chan
1 (T.1792), where the idea is explained in detail, is of
particular interest in view of Ch'i-sung's indebtedness to
Tsung-mi in other regards.
7. 649b12ff.
8. 649b13.
9. The Commentary explains ch'ing as six emotions (liu
ch'ing) (dd) which is further described in relation to the
six senses. See, I, 9a. Kuroda examines Ch'i-sung's
discussion of hsing and ch'ing in pp.237-241 of his book
and gives the list of "seven emotions", i.e., ioy (hsi),
(de) anger (nu), (df) pity (ai), (dg) happiness (le),
(dh) harted (e) (di),and desire (shih-y) (dj) as typical
examples of what Ch'i-sung meant by ch'ing (Shina Shinri
Shisoshi,241).
10. 648c22-649ab
11. One may note here that the terms 'hsing' and 'ch'ing'
have a long history in Chinese philosophy that is largely
independent of Buddhism; consequently what Ch'i-sung is
doing here is to connect the Chinese intellectual world
associated with these terms with the causal analysis of
cosmic processes which is obviously Buddhist in origin.
Ch'ing, as emotion or mental processes in general, is
serving as the key to this connection. Kuroda's work on
the history of Chinese psychological thought discusses
teh history of there concepts in some detaill.
12. 649b12-17.
13. 649b2427.
14. This metaphor is used in a well-known passage by Hui-Yan
to explain the mechanism of the transmigration of the
soul. See, "Sha-men pu-chin wang-chel lun", Hung-ming-chi,
(dk) chan 5, Taisho Daizokyo, vol. 52, 32a, or for an
English translation, Wm. Theodore de Bary, et al., Sources
of Chinesc Tradition, Ibid., II, 286.
15. The Commentary gives yi (dl) for pu (dm) here and reads
the phrase to mean "how can you call them (alone) ch'ing?
I, 25a.
16. The text used in the Commentary gives kan (dn) ('dare')
instead of san (do) ('scatter'). I, 26b.
17. 649c12027.
18. I, 25a. The quotation from the Nirvana sutra is found
in Taisho Daizokyo. vol. 12, p.656allf. For a translation
of the passage, see Yamamoto Kosho, Mahanirvana-sutra.
Tokyo The Karinbunko, 1973, I, 211: This quotation is
preceded in the Commentary by a passage that reads as
follows: "The Buddha has already appeared in this world
and, showing his identity with men, taught them. How can
he be without ch'ing? The Buddha gives rise to the
Infinite Great Function (ta
P.419
fang ta yng)(dp) and establishes the Teaching. Although
he shows the practice (hsing)(dp) of ch'ing and pity, He
is not attached to ch'ing".
19. Ch'i-sung wrote an essay called "Chung-yng-chieh"(dr)
(665c-667c) on the Doctrine of the Mean, a scripture in
which one finds the most widely known discussion of
'sincerity'(cheng) (ds) in classical Confucianism.
20. 640b18-24.
21. The Commentary explains the term 'control' in this
passage as the control with 'laws and institutions'
(fa-tu). I, 37b.
22. 650b22 ff.
23. 650b25-c5.
24. 650a812.
25. I adopted this translation while realizing that the
contrast between 'kung'(dt) and 'szu' (the Commentary
uses the pair of 'kung-kung(du) and 'tzu-szu'(dv) in
discussing the passages quoted below) in Chinese thought
does not correspond strictly with the contrast between
'public' and 'private' in the modern West. It should, for
example, be kept in mind that the Chinese concept szu
carries a stronger connotation of selfishness.
26. 650a13-17.
27. 650a26-29.
28. For a brief comment on the relationship between
Fu-chiaou-pien and the criticism of Buddhism by Ou
Yang-hsiu in Pen-lun(dw) and Han y, see Fujisawa Makoto,
"Sosho ni okeru juka no haibutsuron no ichi keiko",(dx)
Shinshu Daigaku Bunrigakubu Kiyo, No. 5, pp. 11-20. See
also Fujisawa's article on Fei-han cited above.
29. 650c16ff. The quotation is from the Lotus sutra. See,
Taisho, Vol. 9, 7a18. The translation follows Leon
Hurvitz, Scripture of the Lotus Blossom of the Fine
Dharma, New York, Columbia University Press, 1976, p. 29.
30. 651a22-25.
31. Han y, ibid, 95f.
32. The translation follows the reading of the Commentary.I,
50a.
33. 651b20.
34. 651b17-19. The quote is from the yng-yeh(dy) chapter
(Book 6) of the Analects. The translation is that of
Arthur Waley, The Analects of Confucius, N.Y.,Vintage
Books,1938,VI,28,p.122.
35. 651bw6f.
36. 651c3-5.
37. For example, the central place of such concepts as
'nature'(hsing) and 'emotion' (ch'ing) and their
relationship in Ch'i-sung's discussion suggests a further
line of exploration. These concepts have an important
place in Neo-Confucianism and they are highlighted in
the writings of such predecessors to this movement as Han
y (Yan-hsing(dz)'An Inquiry on Nature') and Li Ao(ea)
(Fu hsing shu, (eb) 'The Recovery of Nature') . A
systematic comparison of these partially related discuss-
P.420
ions of the concept may illuminate the significance
of Ch'i-sung's preoccupation with concepts further.
38. I would like to thank Mr.James Robinson for his editorial
in the preparation of this paper.
P.421
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