The Relationships Between Traditional And Imported Thought

And Culture In China: From The Standpoint of The Importation
Of Buddhism
Tang Yi-Jie
Jourmal of Chinese Philosophy 15 (1988)
pp.415-424
Copyright @ 1988 by Dialogue Publishing Company, Honolulu,
Hawaii, U.S.A.


. P.415 Historically, there were three major occasions when China imported foreign culture and ideology. The first was the importation of Buddhism the focus of this paper. The second cultural incursion was that of western culture, an event which, for a time, gave rise to debate over the respective merits of things past and present, Chinese and foreign. From a philosophical standpoint. this event raised questions concerning the relationships between western and Chinese philosophy. Many modern philosophers, whether or not they were aware of it, were in actuality striving to reconcile these two vastly different cultures. Before Liberation, Feng Yu-lan(a) was perhaps most successful in reconciling the two. His "New Rationalism" may be seen as an attempt to use western pragmatism to resolve several traditional Chinese philosophical questions. That he did not succeed in determining the true course of Chinese philosophical development can be seen in the fact that, in practice,he failed to solve China's social problems. The third event, was the inportation of Marxism, a European ideology developed in response to European historical conditions. In order for Marxism to take root in China, it must also, in a certain sense, merge with traditional Chinese culture and thought. That is to say, it must pass through a stage of critical acceptance of traditional culture. Chia Yi(b) in his "Kuo Ch'in-lun"(c) (Treatise on the Failings of Ch'in) quoted an old adage. "The unforgotten events of the past are teachers of the future." Can we today learn anything from the contacts between P.416 imported Buddhism and traditional Chinese culture? I think we can. I would like to discuss three important elements which characterized Buddhism's spread in China. First, is the fact that when Buddhism first entered China, it tended to attach itself to native ideologies. Only later did it gradually develop and begin to influence those ideologies. When, during the Han dynasty, Buddhism entered China, it identified itself with native religious practitioners. During the Wei-Chin period, Buddhism identified itself with the "Mysterious Learning"(d)then popular. During the Han Dynasty, Buddhism was often seen as on par with the Huag-Lao(e) School. Thus, King Ying of Ch'u is reported as having "recited the subtle words of Huang-Lao(e) and respectfully performed human sacrifices to the Buddha", while Emperor Huan(f) "set up shrines to Huang-Lao and the Buddha in his palace." Buddhist disciples of the period even identified themselves as "practitioners of the techniques of the Way". The "Li-huo lun"(g)(Treatise on Rectifying Error) of the Mo-tzu(h) states: "There are ninety six distinct ways, but, among those worthy of veneration, none is so great as the teachings of the Buddha." The Sutra in Forty-two Sections(i)also styles itself "the Way of the Buddha". At that time the principal tenets preached by Buddhist missionaries were the immortality of the soul and karmic retribution; such Indian concepts as the "non-existence of the self" were simply not understood. The immortality of the soul was already present in traditional Chinese thought, but only in the concept of spirits. The Wen Wang Ode of the Shih-ching(j)says of the former Chou Kings, "The Three Directors are in Heaven", that is, their souls have ascended. The "Ching-shen shun" of the Huai-nan tzu(k)asserts that "the form may be ground away, but the spirit is not transformed". As a result of these beliefs, Huan T'an(1)held that "when the form comes to an end, the spirit is easily destroyed," while Wang Ch'ung(m)argued that "when men die, they do not become ghosts (spirits)". That the immortality of the soul or spirit depended on "refining and nurturing" was also a native Chinese concept. P.417 As for karmic retribution, while the Buddhist conception did not exactly accord with that of China, it was promulgated during the Han and was compatible with the Chinese notion that "good fortune comes to those who are good and evil to the dissolute." Witness the Wen-yen gloss to the Ch'ien hexagram of the I-ching(n): "Those who accumulate good deeds will certainly have an excess of blessings, while those who accumulate bad deeds will have an excess of calamity." During the end of the Han and the beginning of the Three Kingdoms period, as Buddhist translations increased, Buddhism divided into two main schools. The first was the An Shih-kao(o) lineage of Hinayana: Buddhism, emphasizing meditation. The second was the Lokak sema lineage of Mahayana Buddhism which emphasized prajna. An Shih-kao translated a number of sutras among which the most influential were the Anapanasmrti-sutra (T602) and the Yin-ch'ih ju ching (T1694) .The former emphasizes breath control, a practice comparable to the "inhalation and exhalation" (t'u-na) (p) methods of Chinese seekers of transcendence. The latter explicates Buddhist numerical categories and may be compared to Han exegetical studies. With regard to man's place in the cosmos, the theories of these sutras are based on the concept of "primal breath" and state that primal breath encompasses the Five Phases which they equate with the five skandas. It can be seen that the Hinayana practices expounded by the An Shih-kao lineage were assimilated to the popular religious practices and thought of the day and which then used them to explicate Buddhism. The prajna concept taught by the Lokaksema lineage held as its most important truth the "return of the spirit to its original perfection and union with the Way." In this we see already the influence of the philosophy of the Lao-tzu(q) and the Chuang-tzu(r) Chih Ch'ien,(s)the disciple of Lokaksema's disciple Chih Liang, retranslated the Prajnaparamita sutra as the Ta-ming tu-wu-chi ching.(t)This title itself betrays the influence of the Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu. His translation of "Grand luminescence" for prajna probably draws on the phrase, "He who knows the eternal nature of things appears luminous," from the Lao-tzu. The translation "cross to the illimitable" for paramita P.418 also means to reach a state of union with the Way, that is the Illimitable Tao. Chih Ch'ien's gloss for the first chapter states: "My Master (that is Chih Liang(u) ) said: "The heart of the Bodhisattva treads the Great Way. Wishing to embody the Way, his heart and the way merge. For this reason, the formless is called the 'empty void' ". This is the same point reached in Juan Chi's' "Biography of the Prior-born Great Man", wherein the great man merges with the way. The latter phrase recalls as well the Lao-tzu statement,"The constant nature of the Way is formless". Chih Ch'ien and the others believed that man's heart and spirit originated in the Tao, but, because of such flaws of the latter heavens as desire, man can no longer join with the Tao. For the heart and spirit to escape these limitations, one must embody one's origin, the Tao, and become a Buddha. This is undoubtedly a Buddhism assimilated to the thought of the Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu. During the Wei-Chin period the ontology of Mysterious Learning, based on the Lao-tzu and the Chuang-tzu, was very popular. The central issues discussed in the Mysterious Learning were questions of fundamental cause and secondary effects as well as existence and non-existence.Buddhistprajna studies were fairly similiar to the concerns of Mysterious Learning, so many monks used it to explain Buddhist principles. Tao An, (w) for example, wrote in his Pi-nai-yeh(x)(Prefaceto the Vinaya): Among the twelve sections of the Tripitaka, the vaipulya section is the largest due to the fact that Lau-tzu and Chuang- tzu have spread teachings in this country similar to the Fang- teng ching and Prajnaparamita sutra and thus it has been easy to travel with the wind. conditional nature of Non-being, there was also the tendency to glorify the Original substance while neglecting its expression as Being. This was an internal contradiction in the thought of Wang Pi. From just this element of Wang Pi's thought, we can extrapolate the negation of Being (which was fully realized in Seng Chao's systerm). Wang Pi's emphasis on Non-being was further refined by Hsiang. P.419 Hsiu(ac)and P'ei Ku(ad)and eventually developed into Kuo Hsiang's emphasis on Being. According to Kuo Hsiang, all existence was comprised of individual concrete objects. Beyond these material objects there was no Original substance (i.e.no creator).The existence of the ten-thousand things was based solely on their "self-nature." This self-nature was self-generated. He wrote "Non-being has no reality and thus cannot give birth to Being." This direct contradiction of non-existence contains within it the seeds of (Seng-chao's) negation of existence. These two developments fit exactly the Prajna School's negation of Being and Non-being. So Seng Chao's doctrine of the Emptiness of the Unreal contiues the philosophical development begun by Wang Pi and Kuo Hsiang. We may, then, trace the historical development of Mysterious Learning from Wang Pi through Kuo Hsiang to Seng Chao. Later, the San-lun School(ae)(Madhyamika)would develop Seng Chao's doctrine and Hui Neng(af)of the Ch'an School(ag)would further refine it and eventually influence the Neo-Confucianism of the Sung and Ming dynasties. The reason for this development is that ideologies have certain set principles of development. Unless interrupted, later developments always grow out of earlier tendencies. Also, an ideology often has several possible ways in which it might develop, so that, if an imported ideology accords in important respects with one possible line of development, it can have a very great impact. The imported ideology may then become a constituent element of the native ideology and, to a greater or lesser extent, influence the development of the native culture. Even the clerics of that time recognized that the popularity of Buddhism was due to the thought of the Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu. What is the reason for this situation? As Engels has said: "Tradition is a great conservative force." It seems that any cultural ideology has its conservative aspects and will resist foreign culture. Because of this, foreign ideologies must first adapt themselves to the requirements of the native ideology, attaching themselves to a native thought system. Elements of the foreign ideology which are similar or identical to the native ideology are easily transmitted, while dissimilar elements seep in only gradually to eventually change the native ideology. P.420 The second element involves the reason why Buddhism, as a foreign importation, was able to have such a strong impact on Chinese culture. In addition to the fact that it met certain social needs, it often accorded with the natural development of Chinese thought. The Mysterious Learning of the Wei-Chin period developed from Wang Pi(X)and Ho Yen's(Y)emphasis on Non-being as the source of all existence through Kuo Hsiang's(z)emphasis on Being ("The ten-thousand things are born of themselves"), to Chang Chan(aa)of the Eastern Chin, who contended that "in being suddenly born of themselves, the Source of all things resides in Non-being". Finally there was Seng Chao,(ab)who held that "the Emptiness of the Unreal" consisted of a negation of both Being and Nonbeing. Why was the Mysterious Learning of the Wei Chin period summed up in Seng Chao's prajna inspired doctrine? Precisely because this was one possible outcome to which this philosophical system tended. Beginning with Ho Yen and particularly Wang Pi, Mysterious Learning was much engrossed with the relationship between Being and Non-being, which was explained in terms of substance and function. It was held that "Non-being may not be understood in terms of Non-being, (so)it draws its name from Being." Thus Non-being was held to be the Original substance, which expressed itself as Being so that its substance and function were as one. However, since Wang Pi emphasized the un- Thirdly, the reason that Buddhism was able to work such a lasting influence on Chinese thought and culture, was that, in certain respects, it was superior to native Chinese systems of thought. In this way it was able to act as a stimulus in the development of Chinese culture. The question of the Indian Buddhist prajna doctrine's superiority to native Chinese modes of thought is one that must be examined closely from every angle before a conclusion can be reached. This we are not able to do here, so we will only examine the prajna system's resolution of the contradiction inherent in the doctrine of the negation of Being and Nonbeing. Despite the fact that, like the thought of Wang Pi and Kuo Hsiang, this doctrine is an instance of idealism, it is undoubtedly superior to theirs in that it can be used to analyze problems from two opposite directions. Even though Seng Chao's doctrine of the "Emptiness of the Unreal" P.421 can be seen as an extension of Wang Pi and Kuo Hsiang, it goes beyond their systems in that it accords fairly well with the Indian prajna system. In my opinion, after its absorption into Indian Buddhism, the idea of a creator or a spiritual entity which fashioned heaven and earth never again occupied an important position in China's idealism. This was replaced by such abstract concepts as the Confucian li(ah)(the"natural pattern")and Tao(ai)("theWan"), which, as first principles, detemined human existence in the universe. Sometimes "Heart mind"(aj) was made a first principle; it was held that "the heart is the natural pattern" or that "the natural pattern merges in the heart." This is a feature of Sung and Ming dynasty philosophy. As this sort of idealism developed, it became the most important form of Chinese traditional philosophy. However, even for a relatively superior foriegn ideology to influence another culture it must, in addition to satisfying certain economic and political conditions, also meet the first two requirements we have discussed. If it does not, then even a superior ideology will fail to take root in the host country. For example, the "Treatise on (the Completion of Ideation Only" (Wei-shih lun) (ak) brought in by Hsuan Tsang(al) and Hetuvidya (Yin-ming hsueh(am) )are both fairly lofty constructions, but, despite Hsuan Tsang's reputation, they were not influential in China and failed to become a constituent of Chinese philosophy. I think that the above three points are significant phenomena attending Buddhism's importation into China. With these in mind,I would like to bring up a question of current concern: can Marxism merge with traditional Chinese thought and culture. This is a large and difficult question. Predictions are hard to make, but it can be explored. In the abstract, most people respond that they wish for a merger of the two, but the question is whether this is possible and how it could be achieved. Here I wish only to discuss a few thoughts drawn from the second of the points above: If Marxism is to take root in China, continuing lines of development begun in traditional Chinese thought and culture, the chief issue is to find points of convergence between the two so both Chinese philosophy and Marxism will progress. Marxism is undoubtedly a superior ideology. Moreover, it developed in the West so that there are great differences between it and traditional Chinese thought. It is also a vast system of thought,so that it is difficult to know just where to search for points of convergence. Naturally, I P.422 cannot here discuss the problem in its entirety. I merely wish to raise a few examples. The dialectical methodology of Marxism centers on the law of the unity of opposites, and takes actual practice as the only standard of determining truth. This I believe to be correct. If related principles can be found among those fundamental to traditional Chinese philosophy, then cannot Marxism be sinified and become a further development of Chinese philosophy? The central problem of traditional Chinese philosophy as defined by ancient philosophers and historians is the question of the relationship between man and heaven. The traditional answer to this question, in most cases, has been that heaven (that is the natural world, or the way of heaven) and man(society,or the way of man)are one. From this unity derives the unity of thought and action and,in art, the unity of subjective feeling and objective expression. (This is what Wang Fu calls the interface of emotion and scene.) These three unities of man and heaven, of thought and action, and the unity of subjectivity and objectivity are questions of "truth", "goodness" and "beauty". Chinese philosophy, then, emphasizes unity, a fact which may have something to do with Chinese thought processes or social conditions. Confucian thought has always emphasized the Grand Unity and the Way of the Mean, and opposed excess. If we correctly understand this unity and do not regard it as inflexible, then it is easy to see it as an active unification as in the I-Chuan phrases "giving birth without cessation" and "Heavens movements enduring while the Chun-tzu"(an) never ceases in expanding himself." Would it be wrong, then, to see struggle, (or"movement") as the traditional technique of Chinese philosophy by which union was achieved, with the unities of heaven and man, knowledge and action, subjective and objective as the goals of this striving? If so, then this is a point of convergence between traditional Chinese philosophy and Marxism. From one standpoint, the Marxist law of the reconcilation of opposites is a superior summation and more scientific continuation of traditional Chinese philosophy. From another,absorbing Chinese ideas of unity would enrich Marxism. Another special characteristic of Chinese philosophy is that it has never separated its theories of knowledge from questions of moral cultivation. Thus questions of knowledge and action are at once epistomological and moral. To know one must be able to put something into practice. P.423 The unity of thought and action, then, is an important concept. From the point of view of the development of thought, it is proper and even necessary to separate epistomoligical and moral questions. The failure to do so may have been a shortcoming. Looked at from another angle, however, the traditional Chinese concept of putting moral theories into action has a great significance. "Practice" in Marxism primarily denotes production struggle, class struggle and scientific experimentation. Of course, such things as the "struggle against Japan", an example of social practice, also included moral practice. "Is it not meaningful, then, to emphasize moral practice? " I think that such an emphasis would have two important results: first, it would raise our self-evaluations and cause us to view ourselves as moral human beings; second, it would cause us to pay attention to the results of our actions. I think that if we can overcome the confusion of traditional Chinese philosophy with respect to practice and, moreover, refine it through reference to Marxist views, we can make it more scientific and more correct. This would serve both to advance traditional Chinese philosophy and to sinify Marxism. The moral emphasis on the unity of thought and action in practice would also enrich Marxism. If this is so, then here is yet another point of convergence between traditional Chinese philosophy and Marxism. Undoubtedly Marxism must develop, thus it must be an open system, and not a closed one. If it is to develop in China, then it must resolve the question of its merger with traditional Chinese culture. Naturally, the convergence of two such extremely different entities is difficult, but the need to advance Chinese philosophy requires that we strive to do so. The advancement of Chinese philosophy depends on Marxism's union with the better elements of that philosophy. The modern generation of philosophers are faced with this responsibility. I myself am without special abilities. I can only express my feelings through an old adage. "Though I cannot achieve it, I aspire to do so." P.424 a 馮友蘭 r 莊子 b 賈誼 u 支亮 c 過秦論 v 阮籍 d 玄學 w 道安 e 黃老 x 王弼 f 桓帝 y 何晏 g 理惑論 z 郭象 h 墨子 aa 張湛 i 四十二章經 ab 僧肇 j 詩經「文王」 ac 向秀 k 淮南子「精神訓」 ad 裴「固」 l 桓譚 ae 三論宗 m 王充 af 惠能 n 易經「乾」卦 ag 禪宗 o 安也高 ah 禮 p 吐納 ai 道 q 老子 aj 心 ak 唯識論 al 玄奘